By Abdikarim H. Abdi Buh
Today’s meeting between the US foreign secretary and Sharif Ahmed at the American Embassy in Nairobi is just another slap in the face of the innocent Somalis who are sacrificed at the altar by the daily bombardment of AMISOM troops and the defeated TFG militia who are jointly bankrolled by America in furthering its insane policy of terrorism containment. It was not a meeting between a head of a state and a Secretary of a state but a briefing of an operative by his handlers. This was a prearranged public relations exercise intended to shore up the unfavorable image of American policy in the Horn that went wrong and made American policy a laughing stock – for reasons unknown to Somalis and the people of the Horn the Americans just become intellectually bankrupt when addressing the Somali question in particular and the horn in general.
The war in Somalia at this juncture seems superficially to the unseasoned eye like the previous civil wars initiated by the love of the international community to impose a foreign TFG on Somalis and propagated by the uncompromising international community’s blind love to win no matter how expensive is the human cost, black man’s blood has no value, but this time there is a healthy, national, native and disciplined resistance groups who are out there to reclaim what is their right – to break the cycle of civil wars, to save the country and its people once and for all from cheap, short - term, selfish and often destructive foreign interventions.
The wisdom of Hillary” medicine of fire is more fire”:- 80 more tons will just be right
The current defeated TFG can’t control even few blocks in Mogadishu without the help of AMISON occupation forces whose mandate is only known to the US that lets them go away unpunished with their daily indiscriminate bombardment of civilian areas. These genocidal and terrorist forces have made a habit to distribute artillery barrage to the most densely populated districts of Mogadishu with the intent to murder the maximum number of innocent civilians when the Islamists forces are right at their faces – if this is not the worst terrorism act in history then I fail to understand the meaning of the word according to the newspeak/double standard of modern American politics.
Despite the generous funneling of weapons through Ethiopia and Uganda on top of the $150 million earmarked for AMISOM, Sheikh Sharif’s TFG stands to have no constituents inside the country and is seen to be losing the artificial credibility ,which it never hard at home, at a very fast rate. The mid June shipment of 40 tons from the US ended at the weapons and ammunitions market in Mogadishu as there are no willing soldiers to fight for the TFG and the coming 80 tons for sure won’t change an iota of the reality on the ground because the TFG really doesn’t exist beyond paper.
It is sad to learn that a mother who represents a country that prides itself as being the leader of the free world blatantly colludes in arming and financing notorious TFG militia who are famed for rape of women and children, killing of civilians, blocking food aid from displaced people and etc. The three Kilometers the TFG Militia operate in Mogadishu is where exclusively the most horrendous human rights violations take place and unfortunately the women bear the brunt of the wicked deeds of the men the US secretary of state is rewarding – rapists and social misfits should not be rewarded. It should be clear to every concerned individual, human rights organization in particular, that despite a lot of warning from within and without the continuation of this faceless unconditional American policy of support to the TFG is nothing more than a mass slaughter of the Somali civilians in a broad day light.
Let my people go: - give them the chance to mend their broken nation in their own way
Clinton said that the U.S. is concerned that "al-Shabab not only uses foreign fighters and foreign money but foreign ideas in its attack on the people of Somalia." Is the secretary confused TFG with al-shabab? I guess so! because the TFG is the one that uses foreign fighters, 6000 well armed AMISOM contingent and countless Ethiopian troops, gets foreign money of which the Brussels donation was the latest, always trained by AMISON and the American forces in Djibouti, in the latest foreign ideas of collective punishment and genocide cover up – a barbaric technique practiced and perfected in Mogadishu with impunity.
The negative propaganda churned out by the US media regarding Eretria is just an insult to the intelligence of the Somalis and the people of the region. It is the USA and Ethiopia who are militarily involved in Somalia since 1992 and it is a weird irony that they accuse Eretria in meddling in the Somali affairs. It is high time for America to realize that the time has come for it to wash her hands off Somali affairs because its policy failures is needlessly killing so many innocent children, women and elderly people at a rate not seen before unless America is on revenge mission of their humiliating withdrawal in 1993 "Black Hawk Down" incident in which two U.S. helicopters were downed and 18 servicemen killed.
On the contrary the Al- Shabab and the other Islamists in the opposition run and control most of southern regions including Mogadishu, with the exception of three Kilometers, with consent and produced efficiently the most after sought commodity – peace and tranquility- at a locally affordable and sustainable price. They managed to tame the war profiteers who used to make money out of expired medications and food stuffs by burning such products and fining the perpetrators heavily which served as a good deterrence against socially irresponsible business transactions – the burning of a shipload of expired flour last week in Mogadishu is the latest penalty. Al- Shabab is secretive organization for genuine reason but is continuously changing and revamping itself – the new white flag which signifies peace and their road rebuilding and street cleaning campaign in Mogadishu is just the first step. Robbery and killing of civilians by marauding gangs was stopped in its tracks with in no time after the gangs realized they have to pay a high price if caught – amputations of limps or death. Residents of Mogadishu and its vicinity have no worries about the drug stoned young gangs anymore and are quite happy to taste the fruits of the Islamist Sharia courts in practice. Civilians flee from TFG areas in their thousands to Al-Shabab and Islamists controlled areas which is in a stark contrast to what the American media is preaches.
Where the doomsday whistle blowers were when the gangs were raping and killing innocent civilians by their hundreds at will daily for eighteen years? Since when the infamous gang’s worthless life turned in to human rights abuse at the expense of their victims? Since when enforcing law and order in a lawless society at community level is labeled as extremism?
Thanks to Al-Shabab and the other Islamists the internally displaced people in and around Mogadishu are well looked after and no case of rape, robbery or killing was reported because no one, other than Islamist soldiers, dares to carry a fire arms in the area under their jurisdiction. The foot soldiers of the Islamists are people who have principles and conviction that can’t be corrupted or tempted by any material worldly gains and as such a paper tiger, America, can’t intimidate them – they are men with a noble mission who are prepared to sacrifice their life for the wellbeing of their country and religion.
The war of re- liberation of Somalia started in the Christmas of 2006 when the President Bush’s hired gun, Ethiopia, was given the green light to invade Somalia as their charismas present. When the Americans were bombarding from the air and sea and the Ethiopian troops chasing them on the ground those young Muslims who responded to Somalia’s hour of need were handful of volunteers equipped with no more than an AK47 and as such only contributed moral support as their number never exceeded at the height of the war more than three hundred fighters. To accuse AL- Shabab and the Islamists of using foreign fighters is completely misplaced, misleading and utterly irrational because most of the young foreign fighters are married to Somali women and as such can’t be called foreign unless America is resorting back to its racist history to coin a new abusive word to create segregation among the Somali people.
Conclusion and recommendations
Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah, welcomed Clinton's meeting with Ahmed, saying, "The Somali people are sick and tired of violence which has destroyed their lives."
Yes! The Somalis are sick and tired of violence but can the two Ahmed’s who fan and sponsor the fires of unwinnable war stay away from Somalia?
TFG is already defeated and confined only to the installations of AMISON troops but there is a chance to avoid unnecessary further bloodshed if Ugandan and Burundian regimes put their brothers and sisters interest at the top of their agenda instead of entertaining the interest of America in the competence of mercenary. The war which is about to start, as Sheikh Rage , the spokesman of the Islamists stated, will be aimed only at AMISOM troops, who are seen to have chosen sides– TFG over the opposition. AMISOM troops are in Mogadishu without clear mandate and as things stand they appear to be the major factor behind the ongoing burning of Mogadishu and as such are increasingly becoming a legitimate target in the eyes of the opposition.
The only way forward is for America to come up with a policy change and leave for the Somalis to sort out their country’s problem as military intervention and foreign sponsored TFG governments failed over the best part of the last two decades.
Abdikarim Haji Abdi Buh
Email: abdikarimbuh@yahoo.com
Tuesday, 8 September 2009
Finalcall.com: UN role in Somalia comes under fire By Saeed Shabazz -Staff Writer
UNITED NATIONS (FinalCall.com) - The UN Secretary-General's special representative to Somalia, Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah has not answered reporters' questions concerning his involvement in the crafting of a 15-page “Memorandum of Understanding” that would give Kenya rights to drill for oil off the Somali continental shelf, extending for 200 miles.
UN_Report_bl__2.jpg
Some analysts claim that Nairobi applied to the UN for an extension of its maritime border, by claiming larger sectors of the continental shelf which would impact on drilling rights for the region's mineral potential.
The press asked Mr. Ould-Abdallah if it was a conflict of interest for the UN to involve itself in assisting the Somalis in engaging the Norwegian government to pay its fees for the filing of the MOA; and if his role in the matter constituted a conflict of interest.
Mr. Ould-Abdallah said that all questions should be posed to the officials in the UN Development Program. To date no one from UNDP has responded to reporters questions; nor have any other high-level officials. The spokesperson for Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon explained to The Final Call that the special envoy had indeed given a sufficient answer.
The government of Norway, through its UN Mission was the only one to answer, saying helping Somalia file its paperwork was something they have done to help several African nations, but refused to say what other African nations they have helped. Norway is the world's seventh largest oil exporting nation in the world.
Gerald Lemelle, executive director of the Washington-based think tank, Africa Action tells The Final Call that what we are witnessing at the UN is the “historic” Western concept on how to have a relationship with Africa after colonialism.
“Nations such as Norway had to figure out a way to maintain control over African resources, so they use Security Council resolutions, and African proxies such as Kenya (reportedly Norway paid $200m to Kenya for the MOA),” he said. “At the heart of Western intervention in Somalia, which has been a geo-political football, is the battle for its oil,” Mr. Lemelle said.
He said that in today's climate of transparency, Western powers are using the UN-created Transitional Federal Government, “a government with no legitimacy” in Somalia to do the bidding of the oil corporations.
The interim government announced back in 2005 it would start offering concessions for oil, gas and mineral rights, not just for exploration but also for marketing. However, the leadership of that government was replaced by the U.S. and UN in 2007.
And the new administration of Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed wasted no time in getting down to business by signing a partnership agreement with Kuwait and Indonesia, with Somalia getting a 51 percent interest in the corporation, according to International Oil and Gas News.
Analysts and activists such as Sadia Aden, a Virginia-based human rights advocate and Prof. Abdi Ismail Samitar, a Somali advocate at the Univ. of Minn., say the UN has engaged in leading Western nations in an attempt to control Somali resources. The foreign navies that patrol Somali seas against pirates are really there to exploit the resources of Somalia, mainly its oil reserves and natural gas; and have been given permission to do so by the UN Security Council, Ms. Aden told The Final Call.
“Somalis know that these navies did not come to hunt and prosecute pirates but to divide the Somali seas, and to protect their interests as they hope to divide up our resources—not just in the ocean, but also on land,” Ms. Aden added.
Prof. Samitar told The Final Call that the MOA caused an uproar in Mogadishu; and that the 245-member Somali Parliament voted unanimously against it. “This is not a real government, so they lack the authority to implement or enter into agreements,” the professor insisted.
Prof. Samitar said that the TFG was beholding to Kenya and its Western backers because of a lack of financial resources; and therefore, the interim government lacks the ability to protect the interests of the Somali people.
Oil industry analysts were saying back in the early 1980s there was evidence of a natural trough of oil that extended across the Red Sea from Yemen into Somalia. Before the over-throw of Somali Pres. Siad Barre in 1991, tens of millions had been sunk into oil wells in Somalia, the largest investment by a Texas-based company, CONOCO.
The U.S. Energy Information Administration reports that while Somalia is considered by many experts in the oil industry as being the last frontier for the “Black Gold” in Eastern Africa; there is no creditable evidence of large reserves of oil; however, there is a sizable reserve of natural gas.
A 2004 report by HAN DATA & Information Background: “Strategic Mining & Oil in Somalia” stated there were precious metals such as copper, gold, zinc and silver, including iron ore, bauxite and gypsum in the Horn of Africa nation.
The UN has been hearing from pro-African activist organizations such as Africa Action, according to Mr. Lemelle, on their role in giving away large tracks of land in Africa to the multi-national corporations; and their backing of dubious contracts that give away African resources. “We want to know who authorizes these contracts,” he said.
UN_Report_bl__2.jpg
Some analysts claim that Nairobi applied to the UN for an extension of its maritime border, by claiming larger sectors of the continental shelf which would impact on drilling rights for the region's mineral potential.
The press asked Mr. Ould-Abdallah if it was a conflict of interest for the UN to involve itself in assisting the Somalis in engaging the Norwegian government to pay its fees for the filing of the MOA; and if his role in the matter constituted a conflict of interest.
Mr. Ould-Abdallah said that all questions should be posed to the officials in the UN Development Program. To date no one from UNDP has responded to reporters questions; nor have any other high-level officials. The spokesperson for Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon explained to The Final Call that the special envoy had indeed given a sufficient answer.
The government of Norway, through its UN Mission was the only one to answer, saying helping Somalia file its paperwork was something they have done to help several African nations, but refused to say what other African nations they have helped. Norway is the world's seventh largest oil exporting nation in the world.
Gerald Lemelle, executive director of the Washington-based think tank, Africa Action tells The Final Call that what we are witnessing at the UN is the “historic” Western concept on how to have a relationship with Africa after colonialism.
“Nations such as Norway had to figure out a way to maintain control over African resources, so they use Security Council resolutions, and African proxies such as Kenya (reportedly Norway paid $200m to Kenya for the MOA),” he said. “At the heart of Western intervention in Somalia, which has been a geo-political football, is the battle for its oil,” Mr. Lemelle said.
He said that in today's climate of transparency, Western powers are using the UN-created Transitional Federal Government, “a government with no legitimacy” in Somalia to do the bidding of the oil corporations.
The interim government announced back in 2005 it would start offering concessions for oil, gas and mineral rights, not just for exploration but also for marketing. However, the leadership of that government was replaced by the U.S. and UN in 2007.
And the new administration of Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed wasted no time in getting down to business by signing a partnership agreement with Kuwait and Indonesia, with Somalia getting a 51 percent interest in the corporation, according to International Oil and Gas News.
Analysts and activists such as Sadia Aden, a Virginia-based human rights advocate and Prof. Abdi Ismail Samitar, a Somali advocate at the Univ. of Minn., say the UN has engaged in leading Western nations in an attempt to control Somali resources. The foreign navies that patrol Somali seas against pirates are really there to exploit the resources of Somalia, mainly its oil reserves and natural gas; and have been given permission to do so by the UN Security Council, Ms. Aden told The Final Call.
“Somalis know that these navies did not come to hunt and prosecute pirates but to divide the Somali seas, and to protect their interests as they hope to divide up our resources—not just in the ocean, but also on land,” Ms. Aden added.
Prof. Samitar told The Final Call that the MOA caused an uproar in Mogadishu; and that the 245-member Somali Parliament voted unanimously against it. “This is not a real government, so they lack the authority to implement or enter into agreements,” the professor insisted.
Prof. Samitar said that the TFG was beholding to Kenya and its Western backers because of a lack of financial resources; and therefore, the interim government lacks the ability to protect the interests of the Somali people.
Oil industry analysts were saying back in the early 1980s there was evidence of a natural trough of oil that extended across the Red Sea from Yemen into Somalia. Before the over-throw of Somali Pres. Siad Barre in 1991, tens of millions had been sunk into oil wells in Somalia, the largest investment by a Texas-based company, CONOCO.
The U.S. Energy Information Administration reports that while Somalia is considered by many experts in the oil industry as being the last frontier for the “Black Gold” in Eastern Africa; there is no creditable evidence of large reserves of oil; however, there is a sizable reserve of natural gas.
A 2004 report by HAN DATA & Information Background: “Strategic Mining & Oil in Somalia” stated there were precious metals such as copper, gold, zinc and silver, including iron ore, bauxite and gypsum in the Horn of Africa nation.
The UN has been hearing from pro-African activist organizations such as Africa Action, according to Mr. Lemelle, on their role in giving away large tracks of land in Africa to the multi-national corporations; and their backing of dubious contracts that give away African resources. “We want to know who authorizes these contracts,” he said.
ICG: Ethiopia risks pre-election violence in 2010
By Barry Malone
Tuesday, September 08, 2009
ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) - Ethiopia could suffer ethnic violence next year ahead of its first national elections since a 2005 poll triggered street clashes following a disputed victory for the government, a think tank has said.
In a study released over the weekend, the International Crisis Group (ICG) warned of the potential for a violent eruption of conflict ahead of the election scheduled for May 2010 because of rising ethnic tensions and dissent.
"The international community must stop ignoring and downplaying these problems and encourage meaningful democratic governance in the country," the ICG said in a statement.
Ethiopian government officials were not immediately available to comment.
The 2005 elections were touted as Ethiopia's first truly democratic poll. But they ended in bloodshed after the government declared victory and the opposition cried foul.
Police and soldiers then killed about 200 people who had taken to the streets in protest. Prime Minister Meles Zenawi accused the demonstrators of trying to topple the government.
Rights groups regularly accuse his administration of cracking down on opponents. One party leader has been jailed and several former and serving military officers have been charged in recent months with plotting to oust Meles.
The ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) is made up of parties from all major ethnic groups.
It introduced a system of "ethnic federalism" when it took power in 1991, after a communist regime was toppled, with major ethnicities controlling the regions where they dominate.
The government says that gives all ethnicities equal power.
"Ethnic federalism has not dampened conflict, but rather increased competition among groups fighting for land, natural resources, administrative boundaries and government budgets," said Francois Grignon, director of the ICG's Africa Program.
"This concept has powerfully promoted ethnic self-awareness among all groups and failed to accommodate grievances."
The ICG called on donors who give money to sub-Saharan Africa's second most populous country -- which is one of the world's biggest recipients of foreign aid -- to put pressure on Meles' government.
Tuesday, September 08, 2009
ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) - Ethiopia could suffer ethnic violence next year ahead of its first national elections since a 2005 poll triggered street clashes following a disputed victory for the government, a think tank has said.
In a study released over the weekend, the International Crisis Group (ICG) warned of the potential for a violent eruption of conflict ahead of the election scheduled for May 2010 because of rising ethnic tensions and dissent.
"The international community must stop ignoring and downplaying these problems and encourage meaningful democratic governance in the country," the ICG said in a statement.
Ethiopian government officials were not immediately available to comment.
The 2005 elections were touted as Ethiopia's first truly democratic poll. But they ended in bloodshed after the government declared victory and the opposition cried foul.
Police and soldiers then killed about 200 people who had taken to the streets in protest. Prime Minister Meles Zenawi accused the demonstrators of trying to topple the government.
Rights groups regularly accuse his administration of cracking down on opponents. One party leader has been jailed and several former and serving military officers have been charged in recent months with plotting to oust Meles.
The ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) is made up of parties from all major ethnic groups.
It introduced a system of "ethnic federalism" when it took power in 1991, after a communist regime was toppled, with major ethnicities controlling the regions where they dominate.
The government says that gives all ethnicities equal power.
"Ethnic federalism has not dampened conflict, but rather increased competition among groups fighting for land, natural resources, administrative boundaries and government budgets," said Francois Grignon, director of the ICG's Africa Program.
"This concept has powerfully promoted ethnic self-awareness among all groups and failed to accommodate grievances."
The ICG called on donors who give money to sub-Saharan Africa's second most populous country -- which is one of the world's biggest recipients of foreign aid -- to put pressure on Meles' government.
TFG Minister Denies Change of AMISION Mandate
Mogadishu, Somalia (HOL) - Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government (TFG) has denied reports that say the mandate of AMISOM troops has broadened to include pre-emptive attacks on insurgent bases in Somalia.
In a press conference held in Mogadishu today, the Minister of National Security Mr. Abduallahi Mohamed Ali Sanbalooshe told reporters that it is not true that the mission of AMISOM troops has been broadened to allow them to engage in pre-emptive attacks on bases under the control of insurgents opposed to the TFG.
The Minister, however, admitted that there has been a discussion to re-examine the mandate of AMISOM troops in Mogadishu.
On the other hand, the Defence Minister of Uganda Mr. Crispus Kiyonga who attended AU leaders conference in Libya said that the mandate of Ugandan troops in Somalia has been broadened and would include from now on the option of attacking insurgent bases who attack them while in the past they only defended their positions.
Somalia’s TFG Minister of National Security also denied that Ethiopian forces have recently entered the city of Beledweyne and that they are currently still stationed in some parts of Hiiraan Region. The Minister added that the people who are spreading these stories about the presence of Ethiopian troops in Hiiraan Region have seen Somalia defence forces who are dressed and equipped like Ethiopian troops.
Lastly, the TFG’s National Defence Minister sent a message to Somaliland administration warning them not take lightly the recent warning from the leader of Al-Shabaab Sheik Muqtar Abdirahman Abu Zebeir who labelled Somaliland administration as acting against the teachings of Islam.
In a press conference held in Mogadishu today, the Minister of National Security Mr. Abduallahi Mohamed Ali Sanbalooshe told reporters that it is not true that the mission of AMISOM troops has been broadened to allow them to engage in pre-emptive attacks on bases under the control of insurgents opposed to the TFG.
The Minister, however, admitted that there has been a discussion to re-examine the mandate of AMISOM troops in Mogadishu.
On the other hand, the Defence Minister of Uganda Mr. Crispus Kiyonga who attended AU leaders conference in Libya said that the mandate of Ugandan troops in Somalia has been broadened and would include from now on the option of attacking insurgent bases who attack them while in the past they only defended their positions.
Somalia’s TFG Minister of National Security also denied that Ethiopian forces have recently entered the city of Beledweyne and that they are currently still stationed in some parts of Hiiraan Region. The Minister added that the people who are spreading these stories about the presence of Ethiopian troops in Hiiraan Region have seen Somalia defence forces who are dressed and equipped like Ethiopian troops.
Lastly, the TFG’s National Defence Minister sent a message to Somaliland administration warning them not take lightly the recent warning from the leader of Al-Shabaab Sheik Muqtar Abdirahman Abu Zebeir who labelled Somaliland administration as acting against the teachings of Islam.
Monday, 7 September 2009
New Banadir-A Reality
Many and prevalent are the articles and essays that retard our social discussions, injecting into our collective discourse arguments that are neither based on facts nor on reason; the utter pervasiveness of this behavior has poisoned any attempts to objectively address some of the pressing issues facing our society today. Articles penned not for the common-interest of the Somali people, but simply designed to score some very personal points whilst hiding behind the ever convenient banners of religion and patriotism. But it would be wrong and a mischaracterization on my part to simply reduce the recent theatrics of Dr Ali S. Faqi into such simplistic categorizations, for the good doctor actually goes a step further in indulging himself into some very profane ideas about history and politics in general and it is within this repeated trivializations of some of the most heartrending episodes in our history that one finds the true tragedy of Somalia.
Dr Faqi’s article, as all such essays do, begins with a fallacious assumptions -that the very meeting on this Benadir Project was a secretive (and then he hilariously proceeds to post a picture from this very “secret meeting”) and proclaims it to be a deceitful initiative intended to “polarize” and “push controversial agendas.” Consequently, Dr Faqi makes the speculative conclusion that this Benadir Project will “undermine the current TFG,” which goes well with the overall extremely crude if not deliberately deceptive theme of this article.
But beyond Dr Faqi’s contradictory and self-defeating argumentations, it is really not that hard of a work to show how serially empty of logic his assertions are. The Benadir Project arises from the basic belief that the traditional view of “from above” approach,-namely the idea that a Strong Central Government should predate any attempt to stabilize the country, of solving the Somali tragedy as both outdated/impractical and counterproductive as a dozen and more attempts of such assumptions have led to a catastrophic failures and perpetuation of the Somali conflict(perhaps here is where Mr. Faqi’s employment of the insanity quote would have been appropriate). Accordingly, it calls for a bottom-up approach to solving the Somali quandary and aims to empower local institutions by equipping them with the necessary tools to tackle local problems and to help create the needed environment that will pave the way for the gradual stabilization of the Somali State. This is seen by proponents of the Benadir Project as realistic and cost-effective means to solving some of the pressing issues facing our country and our region in particular.
Nor does the Benadir Project mean the Balkanization of Somalia as Dr Faqi has wrongly misconstrued. A strong and stable Benadir will mean the (dramatic) reduction of violence and injustice in Somalia and especially in Mogadishu, and the weakening of the social agitators and the realization of the ultimate dream of a return of a peaceful and stable Somalia. Consequently, the argument that a) that it is a clan project and b) that it militates against the basic idea of Somalia are simply concocted and a distortion of the vision and objectives of this project. Benadir is home to multiple clans and its people have a centuries old tradition of peaceful co-existence, whether in Mogadishu, The Shebelle Valley and in Central Somalia and these clans will ultimately have to compromise and work together for the greater good. Furthermore, the Benadir Project is not rooted in paranoia and hatred of others, but is simply a mobilization against injustice, social anarchy and disorganization. The docility of our masses in the last 18 years as both victims of social agitators and also as the willing accomplices in some of the misdeeds and crimes that have taken place in this region, have shown the easiness and effectiveness of exploitations that can arise when society doesn’t have a binding vision and tangible aspirations. These socio-political cataclysms manipulated through religion and the clan have had trouble consequences and hindered any attempts to recover from years of brutal wars and anarchy.
This project will have deep roots in the culture and history of the Benadir region while at the same-time adopting a realistic and progressive vision to bettering the lives of its people. The success of this project will indubitably depend on the choices it leaders make and what trajectory they set to follow. In this regard, the success of this project should be measured by its capacity to comprehensively change the domestic structure of this region and its adoption of a strong and vibrant constitution and also representative institutions that guarantee the democratic foundations of this project.
The Somali groups in Banadir should rally behind this project for it will not only lead to local governance for the region that has become the perpetual victim in the Somali civil war but will also safeguard their interest from predatory groups. It is commonly known that the different groups in Banadir region have peacefully coexisted in this very region for several centuries. One does not have to mention the long coexistence of the Somali pastoral groups alongside the merchants and traders of the Banadir coast, i.e in Warsheikh, Mogadishu, Merca and Baraawe. The alliance between the Wacdaan Mudulood clan and Geledi clan that eventually led to the creation of the powerful Geledi Sultanate based in what is now Afgooye is also familiar to those who are acquainted with the history of this region. Morever, one does not have to mention the memorable resistance struggle different Banadir groups waged against the Italian colonists. Indeed, those who have a rudimentary historical knowledge can understand the coexistence and common history of the Somali groups in Banadir (Shabelle Valley and Banadir port-cities) that spans several centuries. Dr. Faqi, however, is either unaware of the common history that binds the different Somali groups in Banadir region or he is deliberately creating this artificial grouping of Lower Shabelle, Middle Jubba and Lower Jubba in what he refers to as ‘Riverland’ . Merca, Baraawe, Mogadishu and Warsheikh are the ancient Banadir port-cities that were connected to the vast hinterland of the Shabelle Valley and this is precisely why his claims are specious at best. But then one wonders if Dr Faqi will be charitable enough to even acknowledge these very elementary facts.
Three paragraphs down and one finally begins to see the underlying reasons behind Dr Faqi’s article for it is precisely in the paragraphs that follow that he finally suspends his own stated values and moral-outrage and goes on a full throttle employing the very sins of clannish and thuggish sentiments he readily accuses the former Prime Minister Mohamed Ali Ghedi of, and in fact even goes on to blame an entire clan (through erroneous and insipid insinuations) of holding the country “hostage for the past 20 years,” through their “USC.” But what is instructive for the reader is the constant usage by Dr Faqi of the previous abuses and injustices against the Bendari and Lower Shabelle Clans to further his own personal vendetta against certain individuals in the Benadir Project; and even though his disingenuous cries about the recent reshuffling of the TFG Cabinet are admirable, one wonders why the good doctor wasn’t quite as interested in even mentioning the total absence of any member of “Ghedi’s clan” in the previous cabinet.
Regrettably, “this is a country rather short on irony and long on euphemism,” and dubious men like Dr Faqi will always have an audience for their retarded trickeries. Indeed, to paraphrase C E Hitchens, an article such as the one authored by Dr Faqi that bases itself on a big lie and a big misrepresentation can only sustain itself by a dizzying succession of smaller falsehoods, beefed up wilder and (if possible) yet more contradictory claims. Seen from this angle, the Benadir Project is neither a myth nor a Lalaland as Dr Faqi conveniently perverts- it is the sum of the common will and aspirations of the entire people of Benadir (regardless of their clan affiliations) to construct for themselves a future that is free from the habitual injustice and brutality that has become the defining legacy of the last 18 years.
By Daud Jimale
Dr Faqi’s article, as all such essays do, begins with a fallacious assumptions -that the very meeting on this Benadir Project was a secretive (and then he hilariously proceeds to post a picture from this very “secret meeting”) and proclaims it to be a deceitful initiative intended to “polarize” and “push controversial agendas.” Consequently, Dr Faqi makes the speculative conclusion that this Benadir Project will “undermine the current TFG,” which goes well with the overall extremely crude if not deliberately deceptive theme of this article.
But beyond Dr Faqi’s contradictory and self-defeating argumentations, it is really not that hard of a work to show how serially empty of logic his assertions are. The Benadir Project arises from the basic belief that the traditional view of “from above” approach,-namely the idea that a Strong Central Government should predate any attempt to stabilize the country, of solving the Somali tragedy as both outdated/impractical and counterproductive as a dozen and more attempts of such assumptions have led to a catastrophic failures and perpetuation of the Somali conflict(perhaps here is where Mr. Faqi’s employment of the insanity quote would have been appropriate). Accordingly, it calls for a bottom-up approach to solving the Somali quandary and aims to empower local institutions by equipping them with the necessary tools to tackle local problems and to help create the needed environment that will pave the way for the gradual stabilization of the Somali State. This is seen by proponents of the Benadir Project as realistic and cost-effective means to solving some of the pressing issues facing our country and our region in particular.
Nor does the Benadir Project mean the Balkanization of Somalia as Dr Faqi has wrongly misconstrued. A strong and stable Benadir will mean the (dramatic) reduction of violence and injustice in Somalia and especially in Mogadishu, and the weakening of the social agitators and the realization of the ultimate dream of a return of a peaceful and stable Somalia. Consequently, the argument that a) that it is a clan project and b) that it militates against the basic idea of Somalia are simply concocted and a distortion of the vision and objectives of this project. Benadir is home to multiple clans and its people have a centuries old tradition of peaceful co-existence, whether in Mogadishu, The Shebelle Valley and in Central Somalia and these clans will ultimately have to compromise and work together for the greater good. Furthermore, the Benadir Project is not rooted in paranoia and hatred of others, but is simply a mobilization against injustice, social anarchy and disorganization. The docility of our masses in the last 18 years as both victims of social agitators and also as the willing accomplices in some of the misdeeds and crimes that have taken place in this region, have shown the easiness and effectiveness of exploitations that can arise when society doesn’t have a binding vision and tangible aspirations. These socio-political cataclysms manipulated through religion and the clan have had trouble consequences and hindered any attempts to recover from years of brutal wars and anarchy.
This project will have deep roots in the culture and history of the Benadir region while at the same-time adopting a realistic and progressive vision to bettering the lives of its people. The success of this project will indubitably depend on the choices it leaders make and what trajectory they set to follow. In this regard, the success of this project should be measured by its capacity to comprehensively change the domestic structure of this region and its adoption of a strong and vibrant constitution and also representative institutions that guarantee the democratic foundations of this project.
The Somali groups in Banadir should rally behind this project for it will not only lead to local governance for the region that has become the perpetual victim in the Somali civil war but will also safeguard their interest from predatory groups. It is commonly known that the different groups in Banadir region have peacefully coexisted in this very region for several centuries. One does not have to mention the long coexistence of the Somali pastoral groups alongside the merchants and traders of the Banadir coast, i.e in Warsheikh, Mogadishu, Merca and Baraawe. The alliance between the Wacdaan Mudulood clan and Geledi clan that eventually led to the creation of the powerful Geledi Sultanate based in what is now Afgooye is also familiar to those who are acquainted with the history of this region. Morever, one does not have to mention the memorable resistance struggle different Banadir groups waged against the Italian colonists. Indeed, those who have a rudimentary historical knowledge can understand the coexistence and common history of the Somali groups in Banadir (Shabelle Valley and Banadir port-cities) that spans several centuries. Dr. Faqi, however, is either unaware of the common history that binds the different Somali groups in Banadir region or he is deliberately creating this artificial grouping of Lower Shabelle, Middle Jubba and Lower Jubba in what he refers to as ‘Riverland’ . Merca, Baraawe, Mogadishu and Warsheikh are the ancient Banadir port-cities that were connected to the vast hinterland of the Shabelle Valley and this is precisely why his claims are specious at best. But then one wonders if Dr Faqi will be charitable enough to even acknowledge these very elementary facts.
Three paragraphs down and one finally begins to see the underlying reasons behind Dr Faqi’s article for it is precisely in the paragraphs that follow that he finally suspends his own stated values and moral-outrage and goes on a full throttle employing the very sins of clannish and thuggish sentiments he readily accuses the former Prime Minister Mohamed Ali Ghedi of, and in fact even goes on to blame an entire clan (through erroneous and insipid insinuations) of holding the country “hostage for the past 20 years,” through their “USC.” But what is instructive for the reader is the constant usage by Dr Faqi of the previous abuses and injustices against the Bendari and Lower Shabelle Clans to further his own personal vendetta against certain individuals in the Benadir Project; and even though his disingenuous cries about the recent reshuffling of the TFG Cabinet are admirable, one wonders why the good doctor wasn’t quite as interested in even mentioning the total absence of any member of “Ghedi’s clan” in the previous cabinet.
Regrettably, “this is a country rather short on irony and long on euphemism,” and dubious men like Dr Faqi will always have an audience for their retarded trickeries. Indeed, to paraphrase C E Hitchens, an article such as the one authored by Dr Faqi that bases itself on a big lie and a big misrepresentation can only sustain itself by a dizzying succession of smaller falsehoods, beefed up wilder and (if possible) yet more contradictory claims. Seen from this angle, the Benadir Project is neither a myth nor a Lalaland as Dr Faqi conveniently perverts- it is the sum of the common will and aspirations of the entire people of Benadir (regardless of their clan affiliations) to construct for themselves a future that is free from the habitual injustice and brutality that has become the defining legacy of the last 18 years.
By Daud Jimale
Why is Mogadishu still burning?
As you read this article or break your fasting, Mogadishu remains the focus of so much tension and hostilities. The few remaining brave residents are left anxious, confused and apprehensive. In the last 20 years or so they hardly had a good night’s sleep without being awakened by the roar of a mortar shelling or bomb explosions. Their ears perforated and deafened by unbearable and threatening noises. Their days filled with the sad news of the death of a relative, a neighbour, a friend or a stranger killed by strayed bullets or bombs. Since April, the city has witnessed one of the worst cycles of violence. Some 200,000 people fled the city, seeking refuge and shelter in places as far away as Kenya and Ethiopia.
Understandably, most Somalis are perplexed by what is happening in this ghost but once beautiful city. They are desperately searching for answers to the question: Why is the city still burning when residents of other cities can enjoy a good night’s sleep without being disturbed by explosions? And what can be done to end the violence?
Let us try to seek some answers from recent history by analysing the different stages of the violence, its actors, the magnitude and scale of each stage in the city.
Mogadishu: the pride of all Somalis
It was in 1960 when the city finally came under the control of a Somali government and became the capital city of a modern Somali state. The city has been the country’s political, social and economic power-house for a very long time. Major political and economic decisions that affected people’s life, for example the decision to go war with neighbour countries; the decision to launch the national literacy campaign and many more important decisions were all taken in the city.
Because of its status, Somalis from all the walks of life developed strong emotional attachment to the city. The few Somali elite and middle classes who were lucky enough to get education achieved their academic qualification in Mogadishu institutes and universities. As far remote as Zeylac and Ras Kamboni, Somalis congregated in the city, seeking employment, education or wealth. They heavily invested in it sometimes at the expense of the cities of their homelands. Anyone who lived in Mogadishu prior 1990s can still remember the land grabbing that existed; how one was considered wealthy if they owned a property in Mogadishu; how the city-sprawling with people-grew in size, and new names such as Huriwa, Xamar Jadiid were added to the names of the city’s old quarters of Xamar Jab-Jab and Xamar Wayne.
In its booming business days, prominent wealthy people like the famous Jirde Hussein from the Northwest region and the Uunlaay brothers had their business headquarters in the capital; one only needs to remember the Jirde Hussein building, one of the city’s famous landmarks.
Socially, during its harmonious days, the city was a home for all Somalis regardless of their regional backgrounds or clan affiliation. They lived side by side in peace and harmony. I invite those of you who lived there to join me in remembering how families from different parts of the country lived in and shared houses, how your neighbour was someone from as far away places as Hargeysa, Baydhabo, or Kismayo, and how children played and went school together happily, and education was available to them regardless of their background.
In its amorous times, lovers kissed and held hands in Mogadishu’s gardens and streets. They got married regardless of their clan affiliation.
In its festive and ceremonial mood, national festivals like the Prima Luglio - the Independence Day – were held there, and city residents celebrated.
In its spiritual times, sheiks and their disciples would have said their prayers at the famous Arbaca Rukun mosque with its white minaret up in the sky as though competing with the spires of the Italian Roman Catholic Cathedral over the dominance of the city’s clear blue skies. A tolerant city it was.
Simply put it, the city was a real metropolitan city, and Somalis were proud of heir beloved city.
Mogadishu as a ghost city
Unfortunately, the above beautiful memories started to come to an end in late 1980s when the military regime started to hunt down suspected sympathisers of the then armed opposition groups, namely SSDF SNM et al.
Although Mogadishu’s residents sometimes felt the regime’s repressive measures and no one can deny that, it was not until the armed opposition group forces entered the city in 1991 in order to dislodge the military regime that the city became a place for every thing that is miserable, evil and hurtful. In the last days of its demise bombarded residential areas indiscriminately.
First exodus
It was early 1991s when the city witnessed the first massive exodus of people when militias, motivated by clan hatred, hunted down and chased away hundreds of thousands of its residents from other clans. Having lived there for centuries, those persecuted communities realised that Mogadishu was not their permanent home anymore and that they had to start a new life somewhere, probably as far away as Bosaaso, Hargeisa, Kismayo and Baydhabo. Certainly many of the people, who now are contributing to the construction and development of Bosaaso and Hargeisa, are people who were kicked out of Mogadishu.
Simply put it, the first exodus was probably caused by a mixture of the chaos and anarchy that ensued the collapse of the regime and a deadly ethnic cleansing exercise by some militias.1
Maybe those lineage groups who were expelled from the city would nickname the first exodus as “Barakacii Darood (the Darood Exodus instigated by Hawiye). Also the expulsion of Benadirs and Xamar communities from the city is very important point to mention, hence Benadirs’ exodus by Hawiye.
A divided city
The misery of city’s residents did not end there but the bloodshed continued when communities from the same clan family that chased out other clans slaughtered each other and the word “dagaal-ooge” (warlord) was probably created in the Somalis political dictionary. During the warlord times, the most famous features that city’s residents had to endure were the Isbaarooyin (road blocks) erected by the infamous Mogadishu warlords in order to harass, kill, and extort money from the public.
However, to be fair on history, there was no massive exodus from the city during the warlord era after the city had been cleansed of the other lineage groups. The city just remained divided with occasional outbreaks of brutal violence by warlords and their militias.
In mid 1990s, international force led by American forces and militias loyal to the late General Aidiid and his militia caused mayhem in city. This conflict was probably caused by a super power determined to pacify Mogadishu and a warlord that was out to resist what he saw as an occupation forces. At this time there was no massive displacement of people although there were heavy casualties and civilian deaths.
Second exodus
In 2006, when Ethiopia invaded Somalia illegally, the TFG and Ethiopian forces on one side, and insurgents groups on the other side committed atrocities in the city.
If one analysis that conflict one could see how it had all hallmarks of sectarian and vindictive clan conflict – in which some communities were targeted and chased out of Mogadishu. Some leaders of those communities who were expelled from Mogadishu in early 1990s were in power, and using foreign forces and the politics of “war on terror” as a disguise they executed their vindictive clan violence to avenge for their clansmen.2
This exodus was the second major displacement of people since 1990s. Hundreds of thousands of its residents fled the city, seeking refuge in remote places as Galgaduud and Mudug. Those few residents who lived and still live in Mogadishu would testify that the violence during this period was the worst that the city had ever seen since 1990s. If one compares it to the violence during the warlord era – in which the city was divided - it looks though the city was safer and less violent particularly in terms of displacement of its residents.
Some Mogadishu residents have dubbed this exodus as “Barakacii Hawiye” (the displacement of Hawiye-Habargidir caused by Abdullahi Yusuf).
That violence ended when Ethiopian forces withdrew from Somalia.
Third exodus
The third exodus was set off by the return of the leader of ARS-Djibouti wing to Mogadishu. Feeling left out of the power struggle and betrayed by his friends particularly the current president the leader used the presence of AMISON, which he sees as an occupation force, as a pretext to launch a massive attack on the TFG-II. It was because of this man’s inflammatory and seditious speeches that fuelled the killings in Mogadishu since April.3
Again hundreds of thousands of people fled the city.
If one analysis the latest violence it looks though that-although religious rhetoric was used as a cover up - vindictive sectarian clan politics were not absent from the scene. For example, some districts in the city that were safer in most of the violence (Kaaraan, Cabdul casiis) - were targeted. Those fled from the current violence are reportedly to come from current president’s close lineage groups (Mudulood). In other words those communities who were seen as associates of the previous TFG-I led by Abdullahi Yusuf were targeted in the current cycle of violence. And some of Mogadishu residents call the third exodus “Barakacii Mudulood” (the exodus of Mudulood instigated by Hassan Dahir Aweys). Perhaps one needs to put this in the context of vindictive clan politics in which the leader of the ARS-Asmara wing, using some members of the Mudulood community as a proxy and theology as a disguise – was possibly out to avenge for his clansmen who were targeted and chased out of Mogadishu during the TFG-I-Abdullahi Yusuf era.4
Displaced people from Mogadishu
Besides the in-fighting of the dominant clan family in the city, leaders of other lineage groups may have been causing the violence to continue. In non-polite social circles and gatherings, members of some lineage groups don’t hide their anger over the loss of properties and loved ones and the humiliation they had suffered in the city in 1990s. And sadly because of that anger they see the bloodshed in the city as a punishment against their persecutors, the “other”. Or put it brutally Mogadishu residents “the other” deserve the death trap in which they find themselves for the crimes they had committed against other lineages. It is not hard to see or hear how some politicians, warlords and now clerics of “other” lineages are fuelling the violence in Mogadishu, and how militias coming from Kismayo, Bosaaso, Gedo and Baydhabo, are siding up with one of the fighting groups in the city under the pretext of theology etc. Examples of that include:
Hassan Turki’s militias that had recently joined other “Islamist” groups to fight the TFG; Abdullahi Yusuf’s militias from Puntland to exact revenge on behalf of their clansmen; Ahmed Godane, Shongole, and Mukhtar Roobow et al, the mad-dogs of Al-Shabab-Wahabiyah enthusiasts who are now executing their vigour and appetite for perpetual violence in Mogadishu in the name of religion.
The other reason that might have been prolonging the violence is the sheer size of the city, which makes it very hard for any group to control it. Remember the city has been a home for millions of Somalis, and compared to other major cities e.g. Hargeysa, Boosaaso, it is probably the only city in Somalia where no single clan (within a clan family) has total control over it. Therefore all groups including the current TFG vs. “Islamists” groups, previous TFG-I, Ethiopian forces vs. the insurgency, warlords vs. warlords and even the UN-American led forces vs. warlord have failed to subjugate the city to a single authority except the six months that Islamic Courts Union forces were in power.
Conclusion
In the above scenarios one could see how sectarian and vindictive clan politics – be it within the same lineage or different lineage groups - have been fuelling the non-ending violence in Mogadishu since the collapse of the central government. The violence reminds me of an article written by Dr Abdishakur Jowhar on the psychology of tribal wars and sectarian genocide. Let me share with you some quotation:
“Tribal war is not about politics….. tribal warfare is about revenge. Tribes don’t fight for principles. They fight to get even.” “Tribal wars are therefore particularly and intentionally full of atrocities. Victims of tribal wars may be skinned or burned alive. Their dead bodies maybe mutilated and displayed. The aim of tribal revenge is not to achieve balance, but to attain vindication and total submission or extermination of the other. A tribe that fails the bloody test of revenge takes the risk of finding its resources, land and homes plundered, women carried off and men bullied.”5
Although the solution to the endemic violence in Mogadishu has to be part and parcel of any reconciliation initiatives there are things that could and should be done to reduce the violence in the city:
Leaders of the dominant clan family in Mogadishu and “other” lineage groups that were expelled from Mogadishu in 1990s should refrain from fuelling the violence through their religious rhetoric as a cover up for their sectarian agenda.
Temporarily, relocate the seat of the government to other cities e.g. Garawe or Burco! In another words Mogadishu not as a capital city but just an ordinary city until such a time when Somalis are ready to decide on a capital city. This measure will ease the pressure on the city, in which fighting groups always perceive its control as an ultimate target to be achieved as though that would give them legitimacy, hence perpetual violence and bloodshed.
The TFG should appoint a national commission to (i) investigate the atrocities that took place in Mogadishu; (ii) prepare a list of all properties that had been confiscated from “other “ lineage groups in 1990s and 2000s in view of returning them to their rightful owners. This task could be delegated to the current Mogadishu’s Mayoral Administration.
The safe return of those residents that have been displaced in recent fighting should be given priority.
Rather than using the same rhetoric and slogans of “Al-Qaacida, terrorism, extremism, Jihad” the TFG should reach out to those opposition groups in order to engage them in a political dialogue. Genuine reconciliation and dialogue is the only way out of the civil war.
And finally, to all Somalis wherever you are, may I ask you to please respect Mogadishu residents’ right for a good night’s sleep just like their fellow residents of other cities are enjoying that inviolable human right.
Muuse Yuusuf
myuusuf3@hotmail.com
Understandably, most Somalis are perplexed by what is happening in this ghost but once beautiful city. They are desperately searching for answers to the question: Why is the city still burning when residents of other cities can enjoy a good night’s sleep without being disturbed by explosions? And what can be done to end the violence?
Let us try to seek some answers from recent history by analysing the different stages of the violence, its actors, the magnitude and scale of each stage in the city.
Mogadishu: the pride of all Somalis
It was in 1960 when the city finally came under the control of a Somali government and became the capital city of a modern Somali state. The city has been the country’s political, social and economic power-house for a very long time. Major political and economic decisions that affected people’s life, for example the decision to go war with neighbour countries; the decision to launch the national literacy campaign and many more important decisions were all taken in the city.
Because of its status, Somalis from all the walks of life developed strong emotional attachment to the city. The few Somali elite and middle classes who were lucky enough to get education achieved their academic qualification in Mogadishu institutes and universities. As far remote as Zeylac and Ras Kamboni, Somalis congregated in the city, seeking employment, education or wealth. They heavily invested in it sometimes at the expense of the cities of their homelands. Anyone who lived in Mogadishu prior 1990s can still remember the land grabbing that existed; how one was considered wealthy if they owned a property in Mogadishu; how the city-sprawling with people-grew in size, and new names such as Huriwa, Xamar Jadiid were added to the names of the city’s old quarters of Xamar Jab-Jab and Xamar Wayne.
In its booming business days, prominent wealthy people like the famous Jirde Hussein from the Northwest region and the Uunlaay brothers had their business headquarters in the capital; one only needs to remember the Jirde Hussein building, one of the city’s famous landmarks.
Socially, during its harmonious days, the city was a home for all Somalis regardless of their regional backgrounds or clan affiliation. They lived side by side in peace and harmony. I invite those of you who lived there to join me in remembering how families from different parts of the country lived in and shared houses, how your neighbour was someone from as far away places as Hargeysa, Baydhabo, or Kismayo, and how children played and went school together happily, and education was available to them regardless of their background.
In its amorous times, lovers kissed and held hands in Mogadishu’s gardens and streets. They got married regardless of their clan affiliation.
In its festive and ceremonial mood, national festivals like the Prima Luglio - the Independence Day – were held there, and city residents celebrated.
In its spiritual times, sheiks and their disciples would have said their prayers at the famous Arbaca Rukun mosque with its white minaret up in the sky as though competing with the spires of the Italian Roman Catholic Cathedral over the dominance of the city’s clear blue skies. A tolerant city it was.
Simply put it, the city was a real metropolitan city, and Somalis were proud of heir beloved city.
Mogadishu as a ghost city
Unfortunately, the above beautiful memories started to come to an end in late 1980s when the military regime started to hunt down suspected sympathisers of the then armed opposition groups, namely SSDF SNM et al.
Although Mogadishu’s residents sometimes felt the regime’s repressive measures and no one can deny that, it was not until the armed opposition group forces entered the city in 1991 in order to dislodge the military regime that the city became a place for every thing that is miserable, evil and hurtful. In the last days of its demise bombarded residential areas indiscriminately.
First exodus
It was early 1991s when the city witnessed the first massive exodus of people when militias, motivated by clan hatred, hunted down and chased away hundreds of thousands of its residents from other clans. Having lived there for centuries, those persecuted communities realised that Mogadishu was not their permanent home anymore and that they had to start a new life somewhere, probably as far away as Bosaaso, Hargeisa, Kismayo and Baydhabo. Certainly many of the people, who now are contributing to the construction and development of Bosaaso and Hargeisa, are people who were kicked out of Mogadishu.
Simply put it, the first exodus was probably caused by a mixture of the chaos and anarchy that ensued the collapse of the regime and a deadly ethnic cleansing exercise by some militias.1
Maybe those lineage groups who were expelled from the city would nickname the first exodus as “Barakacii Darood (the Darood Exodus instigated by Hawiye). Also the expulsion of Benadirs and Xamar communities from the city is very important point to mention, hence Benadirs’ exodus by Hawiye.
A divided city
The misery of city’s residents did not end there but the bloodshed continued when communities from the same clan family that chased out other clans slaughtered each other and the word “dagaal-ooge” (warlord) was probably created in the Somalis political dictionary. During the warlord times, the most famous features that city’s residents had to endure were the Isbaarooyin (road blocks) erected by the infamous Mogadishu warlords in order to harass, kill, and extort money from the public.
However, to be fair on history, there was no massive exodus from the city during the warlord era after the city had been cleansed of the other lineage groups. The city just remained divided with occasional outbreaks of brutal violence by warlords and their militias.
In mid 1990s, international force led by American forces and militias loyal to the late General Aidiid and his militia caused mayhem in city. This conflict was probably caused by a super power determined to pacify Mogadishu and a warlord that was out to resist what he saw as an occupation forces. At this time there was no massive displacement of people although there were heavy casualties and civilian deaths.
Second exodus
In 2006, when Ethiopia invaded Somalia illegally, the TFG and Ethiopian forces on one side, and insurgents groups on the other side committed atrocities in the city.
If one analysis that conflict one could see how it had all hallmarks of sectarian and vindictive clan conflict – in which some communities were targeted and chased out of Mogadishu. Some leaders of those communities who were expelled from Mogadishu in early 1990s were in power, and using foreign forces and the politics of “war on terror” as a disguise they executed their vindictive clan violence to avenge for their clansmen.2
This exodus was the second major displacement of people since 1990s. Hundreds of thousands of its residents fled the city, seeking refuge in remote places as Galgaduud and Mudug. Those few residents who lived and still live in Mogadishu would testify that the violence during this period was the worst that the city had ever seen since 1990s. If one compares it to the violence during the warlord era – in which the city was divided - it looks though the city was safer and less violent particularly in terms of displacement of its residents.
Some Mogadishu residents have dubbed this exodus as “Barakacii Hawiye” (the displacement of Hawiye-Habargidir caused by Abdullahi Yusuf).
That violence ended when Ethiopian forces withdrew from Somalia.
Third exodus
The third exodus was set off by the return of the leader of ARS-Djibouti wing to Mogadishu. Feeling left out of the power struggle and betrayed by his friends particularly the current president the leader used the presence of AMISON, which he sees as an occupation force, as a pretext to launch a massive attack on the TFG-II. It was because of this man’s inflammatory and seditious speeches that fuelled the killings in Mogadishu since April.3
Again hundreds of thousands of people fled the city.
If one analysis the latest violence it looks though that-although religious rhetoric was used as a cover up - vindictive sectarian clan politics were not absent from the scene. For example, some districts in the city that were safer in most of the violence (Kaaraan, Cabdul casiis) - were targeted. Those fled from the current violence are reportedly to come from current president’s close lineage groups (Mudulood). In other words those communities who were seen as associates of the previous TFG-I led by Abdullahi Yusuf were targeted in the current cycle of violence. And some of Mogadishu residents call the third exodus “Barakacii Mudulood” (the exodus of Mudulood instigated by Hassan Dahir Aweys). Perhaps one needs to put this in the context of vindictive clan politics in which the leader of the ARS-Asmara wing, using some members of the Mudulood community as a proxy and theology as a disguise – was possibly out to avenge for his clansmen who were targeted and chased out of Mogadishu during the TFG-I-Abdullahi Yusuf era.4
Displaced people from Mogadishu
Besides the in-fighting of the dominant clan family in the city, leaders of other lineage groups may have been causing the violence to continue. In non-polite social circles and gatherings, members of some lineage groups don’t hide their anger over the loss of properties and loved ones and the humiliation they had suffered in the city in 1990s. And sadly because of that anger they see the bloodshed in the city as a punishment against their persecutors, the “other”. Or put it brutally Mogadishu residents “the other” deserve the death trap in which they find themselves for the crimes they had committed against other lineages. It is not hard to see or hear how some politicians, warlords and now clerics of “other” lineages are fuelling the violence in Mogadishu, and how militias coming from Kismayo, Bosaaso, Gedo and Baydhabo, are siding up with one of the fighting groups in the city under the pretext of theology etc. Examples of that include:
Hassan Turki’s militias that had recently joined other “Islamist” groups to fight the TFG; Abdullahi Yusuf’s militias from Puntland to exact revenge on behalf of their clansmen; Ahmed Godane, Shongole, and Mukhtar Roobow et al, the mad-dogs of Al-Shabab-Wahabiyah enthusiasts who are now executing their vigour and appetite for perpetual violence in Mogadishu in the name of religion.
The other reason that might have been prolonging the violence is the sheer size of the city, which makes it very hard for any group to control it. Remember the city has been a home for millions of Somalis, and compared to other major cities e.g. Hargeysa, Boosaaso, it is probably the only city in Somalia where no single clan (within a clan family) has total control over it. Therefore all groups including the current TFG vs. “Islamists” groups, previous TFG-I, Ethiopian forces vs. the insurgency, warlords vs. warlords and even the UN-American led forces vs. warlord have failed to subjugate the city to a single authority except the six months that Islamic Courts Union forces were in power.
Conclusion
In the above scenarios one could see how sectarian and vindictive clan politics – be it within the same lineage or different lineage groups - have been fuelling the non-ending violence in Mogadishu since the collapse of the central government. The violence reminds me of an article written by Dr Abdishakur Jowhar on the psychology of tribal wars and sectarian genocide. Let me share with you some quotation:
“Tribal war is not about politics….. tribal warfare is about revenge. Tribes don’t fight for principles. They fight to get even.” “Tribal wars are therefore particularly and intentionally full of atrocities. Victims of tribal wars may be skinned or burned alive. Their dead bodies maybe mutilated and displayed. The aim of tribal revenge is not to achieve balance, but to attain vindication and total submission or extermination of the other. A tribe that fails the bloody test of revenge takes the risk of finding its resources, land and homes plundered, women carried off and men bullied.”5
Although the solution to the endemic violence in Mogadishu has to be part and parcel of any reconciliation initiatives there are things that could and should be done to reduce the violence in the city:
Leaders of the dominant clan family in Mogadishu and “other” lineage groups that were expelled from Mogadishu in 1990s should refrain from fuelling the violence through their religious rhetoric as a cover up for their sectarian agenda.
Temporarily, relocate the seat of the government to other cities e.g. Garawe or Burco! In another words Mogadishu not as a capital city but just an ordinary city until such a time when Somalis are ready to decide on a capital city. This measure will ease the pressure on the city, in which fighting groups always perceive its control as an ultimate target to be achieved as though that would give them legitimacy, hence perpetual violence and bloodshed.
The TFG should appoint a national commission to (i) investigate the atrocities that took place in Mogadishu; (ii) prepare a list of all properties that had been confiscated from “other “ lineage groups in 1990s and 2000s in view of returning them to their rightful owners. This task could be delegated to the current Mogadishu’s Mayoral Administration.
The safe return of those residents that have been displaced in recent fighting should be given priority.
Rather than using the same rhetoric and slogans of “Al-Qaacida, terrorism, extremism, Jihad” the TFG should reach out to those opposition groups in order to engage them in a political dialogue. Genuine reconciliation and dialogue is the only way out of the civil war.
And finally, to all Somalis wherever you are, may I ask you to please respect Mogadishu residents’ right for a good night’s sleep just like their fellow residents of other cities are enjoying that inviolable human right.
Muuse Yuusuf
myuusuf3@hotmail.com
Sunday, 6 September 2009
A kangaroo court in Ethiopia sentences six people to death
eptember 3rd, 2009 | | 2 Comments
ADDIS ABABA (Reuters ) – An Ethiopian [kangaroo] court has sentenced six members of the Benishangule-Gumuz community ethnic group to death and another 97 to prison terms for the massacre of Oromo villagers last year, a state agency reported on Thursday. [The Woyanne tribal junta that is in charge of the kangaroo court massacres Oromos every day. It is likely that the massacre was carried out by Meles Zenawi's death squads and is being blamed on innocent people.]
The 103 had been charged with genocide for killings that took place in May 2008. They gunned down or speared to death 93 members of the Oromo tribe, the state Woyanne-run Ethiopian News Agency (ENA) reported.
The two groups have for centuries lived side by side in western Ethiopia.
"The court found guilty the 103 members of the Benishangule-Gumuz after examining documents, pictures and video tape evidence presented by the prosecution and after the accused failed to exercise their right to defence," ENA said.
Those that escaped the death sentence were handed prison terms ranging between six years to life imprisonment with hard labour.
(Reporting by Tsegaye Tadesse, editing by Helen Nyambura-Mwaura)
ADDIS ABABA (Reuters ) – An Ethiopian [kangaroo] court has sentenced six members of the Benishangule-Gumuz community ethnic group to death and another 97 to prison terms for the massacre of Oromo villagers last year, a state agency reported on Thursday. [The Woyanne tribal junta that is in charge of the kangaroo court massacres Oromos every day. It is likely that the massacre was carried out by Meles Zenawi's death squads and is being blamed on innocent people.]
The 103 had been charged with genocide for killings that took place in May 2008. They gunned down or speared to death 93 members of the Oromo tribe, the state Woyanne-run Ethiopian News Agency (ENA) reported.
The two groups have for centuries lived side by side in western Ethiopia.
"The court found guilty the 103 members of the Benishangule-Gumuz after examining documents, pictures and video tape evidence presented by the prosecution and after the accused failed to exercise their right to defence," ENA said.
Those that escaped the death sentence were handed prison terms ranging between six years to life imprisonment with hard labour.
(Reporting by Tsegaye Tadesse, editing by Helen Nyambura-Mwaura)
Somali mum who cheated Liverpool taxpayers of £18,000 escapes jail sentence
A SOMALI mother who cheated Liverpool taxpayers out of £18,000 escaped jail because she has five young children.
Anab Hersi, 28, and her husband Muled Jama, 33, of Selwyn Street, Kirkdale, received housing and council tax benefits worth more than £7,500 between March, 2005, and February, 2007, after they got back together following a separation and did not tell Liverpool council.
The pair admitted failing to notify, and allowing a failure to notify, a change of circumstances, while Hersi admitted receiving a further more than £11,000 in income support.
Hersi, who spoke through an interpreter, fled Somalia in 2000.
Zia Chauhdry, defending, said: “This is a young woman of previous good character who has seen and dealt with issues which the rest of us cannot hope to imagine.”
Liverpool crown court heard Hersi’s children are eight, seven, five, three and three months old.
Recorder Michael Chambers, QC, sentenced Jama to three months in prison on two counts of dishonesty yesterday, telling him, despite his employment record, he set a poor example to his community.
He gave Hersi a four- month jail sentence for each of her three offences and suspended it for a year, saying: “She has been thoroughly dishonest for two years. In my view, she richly deserves to go to prison, but she has five children.”
Source: lLiverpoolecho
Anab Hersi, 28, and her husband Muled Jama, 33, of Selwyn Street, Kirkdale, received housing and council tax benefits worth more than £7,500 between March, 2005, and February, 2007, after they got back together following a separation and did not tell Liverpool council.
The pair admitted failing to notify, and allowing a failure to notify, a change of circumstances, while Hersi admitted receiving a further more than £11,000 in income support.
Hersi, who spoke through an interpreter, fled Somalia in 2000.
Zia Chauhdry, defending, said: “This is a young woman of previous good character who has seen and dealt with issues which the rest of us cannot hope to imagine.”
Liverpool crown court heard Hersi’s children are eight, seven, five, three and three months old.
Recorder Michael Chambers, QC, sentenced Jama to three months in prison on two counts of dishonesty yesterday, telling him, despite his employment record, he set a poor example to his community.
He gave Hersi a four- month jail sentence for each of her three offences and suspended it for a year, saying: “She has been thoroughly dishonest for two years. In my view, she richly deserves to go to prison, but she has five children.”
Source: lLiverpoolecho
Somalia: AU Gives UPDF Mandate to Attack Militants
Entebbe — The African Union (AU) has reviewed the mandate of UPDF in Somalia and allowed the Ugandan forces to attack the Al-shabaab militants, the Defence Minister announced yesterday.
Dr Crispus Kiyonga told Journalists after flagging-off three UPDF battalions to Somalia at Entebbe military airbase yesterday that the earlier mandate constrained the UPDF and was deadly as it demanded the peacekeepers to fight back only if they were attacked first.
The new mandate now means that the UPDF can carry out pre-emptive attacks on the insurgents in the war tone Horn of Africa country.
While three battalions left Entebbe yesterday, three others returned from Somalia in a rotational arrangement.
Mr Kiyonga told journalists yesterday that the UPDF mandate was reviewed last week at the AU emergency summit in Libya.
Mr Kiyonga represented President Yoweri Museveni at the summit.
"Our view as Uganda and Burundi has been that the mandate under which we are operating was very constraining," Mr Kiyonga said. "We would have made much more progress if the mandate was more facilitating. Currently, the army just seats where they are in their detachments even when they have information that insurgents are just two kilometres away," he said, "They [UPDF] can not attack them. We wait for insurgents to shoot first and we respond."
Uganda and Burundi have more than 4,000 troops deployed in Somalia.
The heavily undermanned and underfunded peacekeeping force is meant to secure the Presidential Palace, air and sea ports and the city's main roads but has come under increasing attacks from Islamic extremists.
Source: Daily Monitor (Uganda)
Dr Crispus Kiyonga told Journalists after flagging-off three UPDF battalions to Somalia at Entebbe military airbase yesterday that the earlier mandate constrained the UPDF and was deadly as it demanded the peacekeepers to fight back only if they were attacked first.
The new mandate now means that the UPDF can carry out pre-emptive attacks on the insurgents in the war tone Horn of Africa country.
While three battalions left Entebbe yesterday, three others returned from Somalia in a rotational arrangement.
Mr Kiyonga told journalists yesterday that the UPDF mandate was reviewed last week at the AU emergency summit in Libya.
Mr Kiyonga represented President Yoweri Museveni at the summit.
"Our view as Uganda and Burundi has been that the mandate under which we are operating was very constraining," Mr Kiyonga said. "We would have made much more progress if the mandate was more facilitating. Currently, the army just seats where they are in their detachments even when they have information that insurgents are just two kilometres away," he said, "They [UPDF] can not attack them. We wait for insurgents to shoot first and we respond."
Uganda and Burundi have more than 4,000 troops deployed in Somalia.
The heavily undermanned and underfunded peacekeeping force is meant to secure the Presidential Palace, air and sea ports and the city's main roads but has come under increasing attacks from Islamic extremists.
Source: Daily Monitor (Uganda)
Somali rebels 'reclaim town near Mogadishu'
Sunday, September 06, 2009
Somalia's Al Shabaab militia say they have recaptured a key town in battle with pro-government forces, leaving 13 people killed and many others wounded.
Al Shabaab guerrillas claim to have retaken control of the key Somali town of Beledweyne in the central Somali region of Hiiran where a large military base sheltering pro-government troops was located.
At least nine government soldiers and four Al Shabaab insurgents have been killed in the ongoing fierce fighting initiated by the anti-government fighters in the surprise pre-dawn attack, a Press TV correspondent reported.
Al Shabaab group has also reportedly seized a number of soldiers at the base and injured scores of others during the nocturnal raid.
Fighting continues over the strategic border town of Beledweyne which links Mogadishu with Ethiopia and central Somalia and has so far been swapped several times between the fighters vying for control in the country's polity and Somali government forces.
The news of Al Shabaab's recapturing of some Somali towns and districts comes in the aftermath of a recent international troops rise under an African Union mandate in order to boost the government strongholds across the war-ravaged country.
Somalia has lately witnessed a resurgence of militancy across the poverty-stricken Horn of Africa nation that has been grappling with an ongoing civil war after the 1991 overthrow of the country's last military dictatorship under the former leader General Mohamed Siad Barre.
Somalia's Al Shabaab militia say they have recaptured a key town in battle with pro-government forces, leaving 13 people killed and many others wounded.
Al Shabaab guerrillas claim to have retaken control of the key Somali town of Beledweyne in the central Somali region of Hiiran where a large military base sheltering pro-government troops was located.
At least nine government soldiers and four Al Shabaab insurgents have been killed in the ongoing fierce fighting initiated by the anti-government fighters in the surprise pre-dawn attack, a Press TV correspondent reported.
Al Shabaab group has also reportedly seized a number of soldiers at the base and injured scores of others during the nocturnal raid.
Fighting continues over the strategic border town of Beledweyne which links Mogadishu with Ethiopia and central Somalia and has so far been swapped several times between the fighters vying for control in the country's polity and Somali government forces.
The news of Al Shabaab's recapturing of some Somali towns and districts comes in the aftermath of a recent international troops rise under an African Union mandate in order to boost the government strongholds across the war-ravaged country.
Somalia has lately witnessed a resurgence of militancy across the poverty-stricken Horn of Africa nation that has been grappling with an ongoing civil war after the 1991 overthrow of the country's last military dictatorship under the former leader General Mohamed Siad Barre.
Islamist rebels gear up for possible "major Somali gov't offensive"
MOGADISHU, Sept. 6 (Xinhua) -- Somali Islamist group of Al-Shabaab on Sunday has said it is ready for a major confrontation with the government as the radical group reinforces its positions around the Somali capital Mogadishu, spokesman for the group said.
Numerous trenches are currently being dug in most of the frontlines between Al-Shabaab and the Somali government forces and African Union (AU) peacekeepers in Mogadishu, in preparation for what the rebel group calls "a major aggression" from Somali government forces and AU peacekeepers.
"We are digging the trenches to prevent the enemy forces from making any progress towards our positions in their planned major aggression against us," Sheikh Ali Mohamoud Rage, the spokesman for Al-Shabaab, told reporters in Mogadishu on Sunday.
The Islamist group, along with the other allied faction of Hezbul Islam, control much of the restive coastal Somali capital where the daily confrontation with the government forces backed by the 5,000-strong AU peacekeepers have claimed the lives of many, mostly civilians.
Somali government officials have repeatedly stated their determination to regain control of the nation's capital.
Somali Foreign Minister Ali Ahmed Jama said the government intends to spread its authority throughout the country and the capital in particular.
Jama revealed that the Somali government, at the AU summit in Libya, requested the full deployment of the 8,000-strong peacekeeping forces and the changing of the mission's mandate to enable the forces to carry out pre-emptive strikes against rebel forces.
Mandate of the AU forces is currently limited to providing protection to senior Somali government officials and guarding main government installations in Mogadishu including the sea and airport.
Numerous trenches are currently being dug in most of the frontlines between Al-Shabaab and the Somali government forces and African Union (AU) peacekeepers in Mogadishu, in preparation for what the rebel group calls "a major aggression" from Somali government forces and AU peacekeepers.
"We are digging the trenches to prevent the enemy forces from making any progress towards our positions in their planned major aggression against us," Sheikh Ali Mohamoud Rage, the spokesman for Al-Shabaab, told reporters in Mogadishu on Sunday.
The Islamist group, along with the other allied faction of Hezbul Islam, control much of the restive coastal Somali capital where the daily confrontation with the government forces backed by the 5,000-strong AU peacekeepers have claimed the lives of many, mostly civilians.
Somali government officials have repeatedly stated their determination to regain control of the nation's capital.
Somali Foreign Minister Ali Ahmed Jama said the government intends to spread its authority throughout the country and the capital in particular.
Jama revealed that the Somali government, at the AU summit in Libya, requested the full deployment of the 8,000-strong peacekeeping forces and the changing of the mission's mandate to enable the forces to carry out pre-emptive strikes against rebel forces.
Mandate of the AU forces is currently limited to providing protection to senior Somali government officials and guarding main government installations in Mogadishu including the sea and airport.
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