Thursday, 31 January 2013

Can Egypt become an emerging democracy?


30-01-2013 02:56PM ET

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Bolstering stability and security and enhancing democracy are the surest means to attracting investment and helping Egypt achieve the world status it should enjoy, writes Ibrahim Nawar
The second anniversary of the revolution was far from peaceful in clear contrast to the main characteristic of the revolution itself. Egypt was unnecessarily bleeding and violent crowds took to the streets everywhere from the very peaceful city of Luxor in Upper Egypt to the resilient city of Port Said in the far north. Celebrating the second anniversary in such a way has cast a dark shadow on the whole political process of transformation from a totalitarian regime to an emerging multi-party democracy in Egypt.
Our world has recently become one of global democratic order. In our time, new emerging democracies can live, grow, flourish and move up the international power ladder, while old ones are trying to survive at the top of the order. Democracy is seen now as a comprehensive set of values based upon individual civil liberties, economic freedom and peace. Regimes that do not respect these values are seen as anti-democratic, thus receiving no respect, and gaining the least or no benefits from the new world order. A new political brand was crafted for such regimes, labelling or shaming them as “failed states” or in some cases “rogue states”. On the contrary, countries moving towards adopting democratic values and embracing them within a national political order are being labelled “emerging democracies”. This latter brand appeals more to investors, tourists, and international assistance. The brand “emerging democracy” has become the magic password for a brighter future in developing countries since the fall of communism in Russia and Eastern Europe.
Looking at Egypt from a distance and you will find that the country enjoys excellent merits and advantages. Ironically, the country seems not able to capitalise on these merits and advantages. There is a science called “Egyptology” that studies the ancient Egyptian civilisation. No other country in the world has such a privilege. Egypt links the three old continents through the great man-made maritime passage, the Suez Canal, which carries more than 10 per cent of total world freight trade. Ancient treasures, human and natural resources, location and a leading role in Arab history and culture should qualify Egypt to acquire and maintain an excellent position on the world political map. Egypt, because of its political system, has stopped short of achieving this. Moreover, Egypt has recently wasted a great chance to capture a moment in history when the whole world greatly celebrated the success story of the 25 January Revolution. It was a great chance for Egypt to move up the international ladder as an emerging leading force for democracy. Tahrir Square lost its shine when almost all political factions preferred reaping selfish benefits to working for the goals of the revolution.
This failure to capture the historical moment overshadowed the whole political process since the fall of Hosni Mubarak. There are moments in history that cannot be re-created and 25 January 2011 is one of them. In order to make up for such a failure, Egyptians need to work hard to make a new brand for themselves. If we have to re-market Egypt in the whole world, we should think of this country as a brand, because the name “Egypt” alone is not enough to create a brand after such a series of fatal shortfalls. In all cases, we should know that above all Egypt would not be able to create a new brand for itself without becoming an emerging democracy.
Fortunately, we may be able to capitalise on some of our advantages and merits and use them as a base for advancement. Using right policies and with the help of the world, Egypt can market itself as a “global transportation hub”. We already have an ambitious plan to develop the Suez Canal region in order to make it one of the fast growing economic areas in the world. Without going into the details of the plan, I’d like to say that we can add a few projects, here and there, in order to achieve the goal of marketing Egypt as a potential “global transportation hub”. Two main projects I may add: one is a giant international airport in the middle of Sinai, surrounded by an advanced city full of the most diversified services that can make this area a heaven on earth. Such a giant airport can easily become the main air-crossing point between Europe, Asia and Africa. The second project is a fast railway line linking Ain Al-Sokhna port on the Red Sea with Borg Al-Arab port west of Alexandria on the Mediterranean. The merit of such a project is to create a combined system of transportation serving the trade between Asia, Africa and Europe. A combined system of transportation across land, sea and air would encourage regional, international and trans-continental trade, providing that the project would have adequate storage facilities and handling equipment and administration.
Not only that, but also Egypt can be marketed as a potential “trans-continental energy hub”. Egypt lies geographically between regions rich in energy resources in the Arab Gulf and North Africa, and regions thirsty for energy resources such as Europe and Africa. As a country that used to have surplus for export in the oil and gas trade, Egypt can build huge trans-continental refineries and storage facilities for oil and gas imported from the Gulf via pipelines, and then transported either by sea or land facilities to Africa and Europe. Providing that African countries can achieve a fast rate of growth in the few coming decades, Egypt can become the gateway for oil and gas exports to Africa. In addition, Egypt should go along with the European plan to build a network of solar power stations in the African Sahara desert that can be used to supply the European electricity grid with much needed green energy.
On the whole, these two ambitious projects, making Egypt a potential “global transportation hub” and a “trans-continental energy hub” mean that our economy in the short to medium term would depend more on service industries and that the economic growth rate would shift from being locally demand driven to become export driven growth. Production of manufactured goods and agriculture would be mainly geared at achieving self-sufficiency in our basic needs and food security. Although Egypt, in many cases, can be branded as a “low-cost producer”, it won’t be able to benefit from that before it rids itself of the dark and complicated jungle of laws regulating employment, wages, industrial licensing schemes, and land allocation. We also need to start, without delay, implementation of serious programmes aiming at developing our education and training systems in schools and universities. Having said that, I must add that Egypt is capable of achieving advances in areas such as information technology, communication software and computer programming, if it successfully utilised its centres of excellence in these areas.
One should remember, also, that Egypt is still far from best marketing its touristic attractions — ancient Egypt, its sun, sea and sand resorts, its deserts, and many other treasures — to become a real global touristic attraction. Countries such as France and Spain attract annually as many tourists as their population numbers. Egypt is still lagging behind. New investment in transportation, energy and tourism, either through joint ventures, private-public partnership projects, or foreign direct investment could attract huge amounts of funds from abroad and help the economy to recover and grow at a good pace.
It is very sad to realise that Egypt’s income from tourism amounts to nearly one per cent of world income from tourism. Egypt does not have a place in the top 10 touristic destinations in the world. With all that we have and can offer, Egypt should become a leading global touristic destination. This will not materialise before we stop dealing with our tourism industry as a business of fahlawa (adroitness). This industry is very important worldwide as an engine for growth and prosperity. Almost one billion tourists travelled the world last year spending $1.2 trillion. In order to have more of them we need to change the culture of this industry in Egypt and attract more investment from abroad in order to develop the industry infrastructure, services and marketing campaigns. But above all, tourism needs what other economic sectors also need in order to achieve healthy growth: stability and security.
The question is, can we really succeed in creating international interest in Egypt as a potential global transportation hub, trans-continental energy hub and global tourist destination? The answer is no if we suffer a very high deficit in democracy, security and political stability. Although these deficits are not the responsibility of the economy, it pays the price for them. The political leadership of the country and the wide spectrum of the political elite should bear this responsibility and create the right environment for economic growth and prosperity. Egypt should become an emerging democracy, not a failed state or a rogue state harbouring terrorism. This nation has a real chance to compete for a high-ranking place in the new world order.

The writer is chairman of the Arab Organisation for Freedom of the Press.

Export difficulties


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Export problems facing the manufacturers of alkyd resins are crippling the industry, reportsAhmed Kotb
Export difficulties
Exports of more than $200 million are threatened by the halt in alkyd resin production
Many Egyptian manufacturers of alkyd resins, raw materials used in manufacturing paint, coatings, ink and other chemical products, have stopped operations at their factories due to an inability to export their products.
The customs authority has refused to allow the resins to leave Egypt’s ports following a report from the Egyptian General Petroleum Corporation (EGPC) saying that the products contained kerosene, a petroleum product subsidised by the government.
The previous government decided in March 2012 that the customs authority should stop products manufactured with subsidised petroleum products from being exported without the permission of the EGPC.
The decision was based on ministerial decrees number 6/2012 and 9/2012, which were intended to prevent the smuggling of subsidised petroleum products, costing the country billions of pounds.
The manufacturers of the alkyd resins have not been able to export their products since then, and the industry has been suffering losses because a large proportion of production is directed to exports.
“Our factories have closed down because our production depends mainly on exports, which have stopped,” said Mohamed Shaaban, manager of Chemical Partners Egypt (CPE), which manufactures alkyd resins.
It used to export the materials to a value of $15 million annually and had a production capacity of 50,000 tonnes per year. More than 60 per cent of the company’s production was exported.
Shaaban said that the EGPC had mistakenly reported that CPE used kerosene, and the customs authority had refused to give the company’s products the green light to leave the ports.
The EGPC issued a report in October 2012 following laboratory tests that said that CPE’s alkyd resins contained 30 per cent kerosene. It demanded that CPE pay LE1.6 million in fines for the illegal use of a subsidised material.
“We use white spirit, a non-subsidised petroleum distillate, which has very similar components to kerosene and can be easily mistaken for the subsidised petroleum product,” Shaaban stated, adding that other problems had surfaced to add to the sufferings of the industry.
Mahmoud Suleiman, deputy head of the chamber of chemical industries at the Federation of Egyptian Industries, said that the crisis had been aggravated by another government decision to impose a sales tax on every litre of alkyd resin sold instead of on every tonne.
The price of white spirit had also increased three times in 2012, surpassing international prices.
Such increases represented a serious problem because the law did not allow for the import of white spirit, thus giving an advantage to competitors in international markets.
“Exports of materials using the resins were estimated at $200 million annually. But they decreased in 2012 to less than $50 million as a result of all the problems we are facing,” Shaaban said.
He said that his company had petitioned prime minister Hisham Kandil to allow alkyd resin products to be exported with immediate effect. He would be sending samples of the products to the Ministry of Industry and foreign trade to demonstrate that kerosene or other subsidised products had not been used in their production.
The minister of finance, said Shaaban, responded to one of our petitions by asking the head of the central, southern, and middle area to allow alkyd resin exports from the 10 Ramadan port without waiting for the results of the laboratory tests that will decide if kerosin is used in production, and that EGPC shall take any necessary actions if such a violation is reported. “The minister’s decision is a  positive move towards solving the problem, but one customs port is not enough at all”
“The industry has lost many international clients. We cannot afford to lose others,” Shaaban said.

Reforming our daily bread


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A new system tightening control over the production of baladi bread has been well received by consumers, but not always by bakery owners, writes Mona El-Fiqi
Reforming our daily bread
The new system attempts to end the black market of subsidised flour
Providing high-quality bread at low prices has been a perennial challenge for successive governments over the past few decades. Unscrupulous distributors who sell subsidised flour on the black market instead of to government bakeries, creating bread shortages, has been just one of the problems facing the industry.
In an attempt to combat such abuses that are harming the production of Egypt’s traditional subsidised baladi bread, the government has now announced that production will take place at market prices, with the state then intervening to makes up the difference.
Bakeries will use flour sold at market prices, which they will use to bake bread according to government criteria, with any difference in production costs and what the bakeries make in selling the bread to consumers being met by the government.
Flour will be provided at the market price of LE282 per 100kg, enough to produce 1,060 loaves of the flat baladi bread. The bread will be sold to consumers at five piastres per loaf of 130 grammes, with the government then paying LE80 for each 100kg of flour used to meet the full costs of bakery labour and utilities.
The government has said that it is fully committed to retaining the retail price of five piastres a loaf, while changing the technical aspects of the subsidy system. Bread quality should also be improved under the new system. Baladi bread has been sold at five piastres per loaf since 1989.
According to Bassem Ouda, minister of supply and internal trade, a second phase of the new system will also be introduced, under which each citizen will be entitled to a quota of three loaves per day of subsidised baladi bread using a personalised smart card. The second phase should be introduced in 15 of Egypt’s governorates over the next two months.
“It is better to receive three good loaves of bread per day using a smart card like other food commodities provided with ration cards than to stand in long queues for hours on end only to receive poor quality bread,” said Reda Mohamed, a housewife and the mother of three children
The new system will be introduced soon in the Kafr Al-Sheikh governorate, where more than 500 bakeries have signed contracts with the government. The system was previously successfully tested in Port Said.
The new subsidies system is one of a series of measures taken to try to solve problems of bread production that have led to shortages over the past few years. These measures have included the creation of separate outlets, usually within walking distance of bakeries, for the sale of bread and the introduction of a home-delivery service in some districts.
In order to qualify for the latter service, households have to register and pay a fee of between LE3 to LE5 per month. The government has also been using military bakeries during bread shortages.
The move to sell flour at market prices was recommended by economic experts some years ago, since the current system creates an artificially subsidised price leading to the selling of subsidised flour on the black market.
For years, the authorities failed to tighten controls over the amounts of subsidised flour provided to bakeries to produce baladi bread since the gap between the price of flour on the open market and the price of the subsidised flour was too great, encouraging some bakery owners simply to sell the flour without producing any bread.
Hamdi Abdel-Azim, a professor of economics at the Al-Sadat Academy for Administrative Sciences, said that the new step was a positive one that should end the black market in flour.
However, he warned that the government should take precautions against any further problems in selling bread to consumers. It should separate bread production entirely from bread distribution, he said, which would prevent the current practice, sometime seen, of selling subsidised bread in small outlets at higher prices than the officially subsidised price.
Abdel-Azim said that in the past one problem had been bakeries selling bread to restaurants and other large consumers, creating shortages for low-income retail customers. “Unless the government tightens controls over the selling process until the smart-card facility is ready to be applied, the new system will not achieve its goals,” he said.
Experts are confident that in time the new system will help to ensure that bread made using subsidised flour reaches low-income consumers, rather than seeing the flour siphoned off onto the black market. However, not all bakery owners agree, and some have asked to meet the minister of supply and internal trade to express their reservations about the new system.
Farag Wahba, chair of the Bakery Owners Division at the Federation of Egyptian Chambers of Commerce, told Al-Ahram Weekly that while the owners were ready “to apply the new system, we have some reservations regarding the price of the flour, the cost of the bread, and the penalties for violating the regulations.”
According to Wahba, the price of flour determined by the ministry is too high at LE282 per 100kg, when it is available at LE260 on the open market. “We will negotiate with the ministry to change the price to the true market price,” Wahba said.
The new system also says that the government will reimburse bakeries to the amount of LE80 per 100kg of flour. However, Wahba said that the utilities used in the production process, including water, energy, and labour costs, meant that the true price for the owner was closer to LE120.
According to Wahba, labour costs were high, with bakery workers typically being paid LE100 per day.
A further complaint was that the new system would decrease the flour quota of a bakery by 25 per cent if that bakery failed to meet the criteria set by the government. “This penalty is too severe. We are not authorised to buy flour on the open market, and this kind of reduction will severely affect our work,” Wahba said.
There are more than 18,000 baladi bread bakeries in Egypt, of which 90 per cent are privately owned and 10 per cent are publicly owned. The public bakeries have an average through-put of seven tons of flour per day, while private bakeries typically use one ton per day.
Bread subsidies cost the country some LE16 billion annually.

The state of the State


30-01-2013 04:36PM ET

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A week of spiraling violence begs questions about the functionality of the Egyptian state, writesAmira Howeidy
Few people anticipated the second anniversary of the 25 January Revolution would be marked by nationwide violence which left more than 50 dead and hundreds injured. And nobody seems to have a clue how to defuse a crisis that has escalated to dangerous proportions, certainly not those state institutions charged with preventing or containing the chaos. They appear inept, deliberately absent, or both.
Four days into the violence Defence Minister Abdel-Fattah Al-Sisi warned of “state collapse”. Continued failure to tackle the security, socio-economic and political challenges facing Egypt will have “disastrous consequences”, he said.
Five months after President Mohamed Morsi dissolved the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces which had assumed power following Hosni Mubarak’s ouster, Al-Sisi’s comments immediately raised questions about the army’s intentions. Sources within the military moved quickly to reassure the public: Al-Sisi’s choice of words, they said, shouldn’t be interpreted as a prelude to any “coup against legitimacy”. He was merely voicing concern over the ramifications of the existing volatility remaining unchecked.
Al-Shorouk’s back page cartoon section on Sunday 28 January went further. It was left blank except for the word “the state”, a pictorial representation of the vacuum many fear is engulfing Egypt.
Those fears have been growing steadily since the fall of Mubarak. Security forces melted away on 28 January. Lawlessness, including the opening of prisons and mass escape of thousands of criminals, ensued. The military took over policing. It was months before the police began to slowly reappear in the streets but after decades in which they had operated beyond all accountability only to disappear overnight, their credibility was threadbare.
Calls by activists and political forces to radically overhaul the Interior Ministry have been ignored by all three post-Mubarak cabinets. So have demands for transitional justice, the term used to refer to the processes and mechanisms by which Mubarak’s legacy of corruption and human rights abuse is supposed to be redressed.
Two years after Mubarak was forced from office and the result is a continuation of his regime, though with a new head — an elected president from the Muslim Brotherhood — transplanted onto the old body. The resulting hybrid has been variously described as an oxymoronic, intractable or — more simply — a weak state.
“Egypt had always comprised a dominant state and weak society. Now it’s made up of a weak state and a weak society. Despite the protests society has not been systematically empowered and there are no laws to protect it,” says Ghada Moussa, director of the Governance Centre in the National Management Institute, an anti-corruption watchdog affiliated to the Ministry of Administrative Development.
Mubarak’s tattered infrastructure has long shown signs of collapse, most recently in the railway sector. The judiciary’s reputation is severely compromised by corruption and the politicisation of rulings. Ministers are accused of recreating with “shaking hands” a weaker version of the old regime. “Sensitive” institutions like the intelligence apparatus are viewed with suspicion as constituting the core of the deep state. And all of this under the first elected civilian president who observers say doesn’t have full control of the institutions of government.
When Morsi declared a state of emergency and curfew in the three Suez Canal cities in an attempt to contain ongoing clashes he was ignored. The angry tone he adopted in the brief address to the nation on Sunday 27 January, a speech in which he praised the police and deployed the military in an attempt to restore calm, did nothing to convince the public to take him seriously.
In the 2012 Failed States Index Egypt ranked 31, up 14 places from 2011.
“Society is heading towards anarchy because of the state’s inability over the past two years to meet even the minimum demands of the poor who constitute 46 per cent of the population,” says Moussa.
Failure threatens Egypt’s once solid and centralised state, she implies, because of incoherent policies and political ineptitude.
Many are unwilling to accept this conclusion, preferring instead to blame the deep state — the powerful institutions still loyal to Mubarak — and its network of interests.
“It doesn’t mean we have a failed state,” insists Manar Shorbagi, professor of political science at the American University in Cairo. Holdover staff from the Mubarak regime are resisting change and while “some institutions appear non-existent, their passivity is in fact a position of counter-change”.
But even when counter revolutionary forces are absent from the scene chaos still finds a way, as events in Port Said amply demonstrated. What began as a furious reaction to a court verdict sentencing 21 defendants to death for their part in killing 74 football fans last year ended up with a death toll double the number of defendants sentenced. Like many areas of Egypt Port Said is awash with unlicensed firearms. Illegal weapons, which have proliferated in the security vacuum of the last two years, contributed to the death toll. Such problems will continue to resonate, and pointing an accusing finger at Morsi will not solve them.
“One problem is that the president won’t make up his mind. Is he a reformist, a transitional spare tire president or a head of state?” says Emad Shahin, American University in Cairo professor of public policy and administration.
And even if he does make up his mind, how will he direct the entrenched Egyptian state which in Shahin’s view is supported by a powerful military establishment and centralised bureaucracy?
Morsi can try to revive the state’s weakened institutions if he wants to, “or if he can,” says Shahin, but so far the president and the Muslim Brotherhood have been “over analysing and thus over paralysing” the state.

AUN Suldaan Cabdi Suldaan Cali Sonkor oo Galabta Ku Geeriyooday Magaalada Nairobi




Xuquuqda Qoraalada, sawirada iyo warbixin kasta waxay gaar u tahay Raxanreeb.com (RBC Radio). Lama adeegsan karo, dib looma daabici karo, lama baahin karo ama kambayuutar laguma keydsan karo si toos ah iyo si dadban intuba, haddii aan fasax laga heysan maamulka Raxanreeb.com (RBC Radio). Fadlan hana xadin
AUN Suldaan Cabdi Suldaan Cali Sonkor.
Nairobi (RBC) Waxaa galabta isbitaal ku yaalla magaalada Nairobi ku geeriyooday Allah ha u naxariistee Suldaan Cabdi Suldaan Cali Sonkor oo ka mid ah salaadiinta Soomaalida ee sida weyn looga yaqaano gobolka Jubbada Hoose.
Sida ay Raxanreeb u sheegeen ehelada suldaanka waxaa Suldaan Cabdi Suldaan Cali Sonkor beryahanba lagu hayey magaalada Nairobi oo caafimaad loo keenay ka dib markii mudo uu la jiifay xannuuno hayey illaa afartii bilood ee u dambeeyay.
Suldaan Cabdi Suldaan Cali Sonkor ayaa geeridiisa waxaa galabta xaqiijiyey wiilal uu dhalay oo Nairobi ku sugan, waxayna sheegeen in meydka loo qaadi doono dalka si loogu aaso.
Marxuumka ayaa ka tagay carruur fara badan oo isugu jira kuwo ku nool dalka iyo dibadda.
Suldaan Cabdi Suldaan Cali Sonkor ayaa xilka suldaanimo loo caleemasaaray sanadkii 1990-kii waxyar ka dib markii uu geeriyooday walaalkiis ka weyn oo xilka suldaanimo ee beelaha Aji hayey.
Suldaanka ayaa ka mid ahaa odayaashii ka qeybqaatay dhismihii dawladii KMG ahayd ee lagu dhisay wadanka Jabuuti iyo shirarkii dib u heshiisiinta Soomaalida loo qabtay sanadihii laga soo bilaabo 1999 illaa 2012.  Wuxuuna ugu dambeyntii ka mid noqday odayaashii 135 xubnood magaalada Muqdishi bishii Agoosto 2012 ku soo xulay ergooyinkii ansixiyey dastuurka federaalka Soomaaliya.
Wuxuu kaloo waayadan dambe qeyb ka ahaa suldaanka waxgarad ku hawlanaa sidii maamul goboleed looga hirgalin lahaa gobollada Jubbooyinka iyo Gedo.
Warar ayaa sheegaya in meydka Suldaan Cabdi Suldaan Cali Sonkor la geyn doono magaalada Kismaayo ee xarunta gobolka Jubbada Hoose si loogu aaso.

RBC Radio

Somalia: Anger over woman charged after alleging rape



Somali journalists protest on Sunday 27 January 2013 in Mogadishu about the detention of their colleague in connection with a case of a woman who alleged she was raped by the security forces Journalists in Mogadishu say the freedom of the press is at stake
A human rights group has urged Somali authorities to drop charges against a woman who accused security forces of raping her.
The woman, who has not been named, could face between three and six years in prison for insulting a government body and making a false accusation.
Four others, including her husband and a journalist, have also been charged.
US-based Human Rights Watch said the charges "made a mockery of the new Somali government's priorities".
Last September, a new president was elected by MPs in a process backed by the UN.
The new government is trying to rebuild Somalia after more than 20 years of conflict which saw clan-based warlords, rival politicians and Islamist militants battle for control of the country.
'Politically motivated'
Attorney General Abdulkadir Mohamed Muse brought charges against the five of insulting a government body and persuading someone to give false evidence or giving false evidence, among other accusations, in a court in the capital, Mogadishu, on Tuesday.
Map
The charged journalist, Abdiaziz Abdinur Ibrahim, has been in detention since 10 January.
Two days earlier he had interviewed the woman about the rape allegations, but did not report the story.
The police allege he collected material for a news report by al-Jazeera about rape in camps for displaced people in Mogadishu. The Qatar-based news network has said Mr Ibrahim was not involved in its story.
According to Human Rights Watch, the woman retracted her allegations after two days of police interrogation without a lawyer present.
Afterwards she was released, but her husband was arrested in her place. A man and woman who helped introduce her to the journalist were also arrested.
Mr Muse told the BBC Somali service on Saturday that the accused had plotted to discredit the government and its security forces - and the woman and her accomplices had been paid by the journalist to lie.
An investigation had revealed that the police station where the woman had originally reported the alleged rape in Hodan, a district in Mogadishu where many displaced people live, had found no medical evidence to back up her rape allegation, he said.
The BBC's Mohamed Mwalimu in Mogadishu says the woman, who is caring for a child, has to report to the police twice a day. The other four accused remain in jail.
Media organisations in the city have been outraged by the case and have held demonstrations in protest, he says.
"Bringing charges against a woman who alleges rape makes a mockery of the new Somali government's priorities," Daniel Bekele, Africa director at Human Rights Watch, said in a statement.
"The police 'investigation' in this case was a politically motivated attempt to blame and silence those who report on the pervasive problem of sexual violence by Somali security forces."
He said donor countries funding Somalia's police force and criminal justice system needed to make it clear that "they won't be party to injustices".
Some 18,000 African Union soldiers are in Somalia, training and helping the government security forces regain control of the country from al-Qaeda-aligned militants.
When President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud was asked about the case on a visit to the US earlier this month, he said it was a legal matter in which he could not interfere.
The trial will resume on Saturday in Banadir regional court in Mogadishu.
On Tuesday, the lawyers for the accused - who are being provided as part of a government legal aid programme - asked for a delay in order to prepare their case.

Shaqsiyaadka Ugu Awooda Badan Muqdisho(Goldogobpress Oo Warbixin-Dheer Ak Diyaariyay 5-Nin Ee Muqdisho Baarqabka Ka Ah))


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Thursday, 31 January 2013 12:11

Tan iyo 1991 oo ay ahayd wakhtigii ay burburtay dowladii dhexe ee Soomaaliya oo ahayd dowladii ugu dambeysay ee si dhameystiran awoodeeda u gaarsiisa tahay dhamaan gobolada Dalka ayaa waxaa soo baxayay dowlado is xigxigay oo fadhigoodu ahaa magaalada Muqdisho ee caasimadda Dalka.

Muqdisho inkastoo ay berisamaadkii ahayd magaallo horumarkeeda, amnigeeda iyo wada noolaanshaheedu uu horumarsanaa ayaa wixii ka dambeeyay 1991 waxay u muuqatay caasimad gablantay oo ay dadkeedu cadaw u noqdeen, waxay noqotay mid la burbursado oo la bililiqeysto, waxay noqotay mid madaafiic xoog leh si arxan darro ah loogu garaaco, halka xaafadihii iyo degmooyinkii Xamar-na ay noqdeen, xeyndaabyo u kala xir-xiran qoysas kamida qabaa’ilka reer Muqdisho lagu suntay wixii ka dambeysay 1991.

Haddaba dowladihii isxig-xigay ee kumeel gaarka ahaa ee soo maray Soomaaliya kuwaasi oo fadhigoodu ahaa magaalada Muqdisho, waxaa xaqiiqo ah inaanay dalka si iskumid ah u wada gaarin, umada Soomaaliyeedna aan si iskumid ah aanay uga wada faa’iidin, iyadoo ay jirto in shakhsiyaad ay si gaar ah awood ugu yeeshaan dowladahaas, amaba ay si khaas ah ugu barwaaqoobeen ku tagri falka hantida qaranka oo si gaar ah loo cantoobsaday.

Maanta oo ay Soomaaliya kasoo gudubtay wakhtigii kumeel gaarka sida ay Reer Galbeedku noo yeerinayaan oo ay haatan dowladda uu madaxweynaha ka yahay Xassan Sheekh Maxamuud sida la tibaaxo aanay ahayn dowlad kumeel gaar ah oo ay tahay dowlad rasmiya ayaa haddana waxaa jira shakhsiyaad gaar ah oo awood xooggan ku leh gudaha caasimadda gablantay, awoodaas oo ah hantida qaranka ee ay sida gaarka ah ugu takri fallaan, tirada ciidamada ee ay haystaan oo ay danahooda ku fushadaan, hantida iyo dhaqaalaha umadda ka dhaxeeyay oo ay iyagu isa siiyeen, iyo xaddiga musuqmaasuqa ee ay ka dhex sameynayaan hay’adaha iyo xafiisyada dowladda ee ay hoggaamiyaan.

Haddaba waxaa inoo suurta gashay anagoo kaashaneyna wakiiladeena ku sugan gudaha caasimadda Muqdisho inaan idiin soo gudbino shakhsiyaadka ugu awoodda badan Muqdishada Maanta ee sida aan gabashada lahayn ugu tagri fala hantida shacabka, waxaana xubnahaas kamid ah.

Maxamed Axmed Nuur “Tarsan” Guddoomiyaha Banaadir, Ahna Duqa Muqdisho


TarsanWaxa uu isku haystaa labo jago oo la isugu daray wakhtigii dowladda Sheekh Shariif Sheekh Axmed, waa guddoomiyaha gobolka Banaadir ahna duqa magaalada Muqdisho, waxa uu kow ka yahay shakhsiyaadka ugu awooda badan caasimadda Muqdisho, Tarsa n waxa uu si toos ah ugu tagri falaa arimaha maamulka Gobolka Banaadir, waxa uu leeyahay ciidamo wata darees gaar ah oo aan ka tirsaneyn ciidamada dowladda balse isaga ka amar qaata, waxa uu u adeegsadaa askartaas cid walba oo isaga uu arko inay khatar ku tahay, danihiisa. Waxa uu kamid yahay shakhiyaadka qurbaha ka yimid, waana qurba jooge kayimid magaalada London, ee xarunta dalka UK balse dad badan oo reer Muqdisho ah waxay aaminsan yihiin in Tarsan Muqdisho uu u yimid dhaqaale aruursi, marka la fiiriyo gadashada shakhsiga ahayd ee ku sameeyay bacadlihii hore ee Xamar Wayne, Qandaraaska gaarka ahaa ee uu guriga Hooyooyinka Muqdisho ku siiyay Xaaskiisa oo kamida hablaha ugu awoodda badan caasimadda Muqdisho, iyo sidoo kale doorkii uu ku lahaa doorashadii guddiga Olombikada Soomaaliyeed ee dhawaan ka dhacday Muqdisho.
Horey waxaa loogu eedeeyay in ciidankiisu ka dambeeyeen dilkii Weriye Cabdisalaan Sheekh Xassan “Xiis” oo T.V-ga Horn Cable Muqdisho uga soo warami jiray, iyadoo askarigaas xabsiga laga sii daayay iyadoon wax maxakamad ah la geyn wakhtigii dowladii Madaxweyne Shariif Sheekh Axmed.
Tarsan waxa uu caan ku yahay isagoo xamar ku heysta guddoomiyayaal isaga si gaar ah ugu shaqeeya iyo dad si gaar ah ugu abaabulan oo qeyb ka noqda abaabulka isu soo baxyada uu Muqdisho ka abaabulo, isagoona todobaad walba soo qaban qaabiya ugu yaraan saddex mudaharaad oo ula jeedooyinka laga leeyahay dadka lagu marin habaabinayo. HALKAAN KA EEG DOORKA BANAANBAXYADA MUQDISHO IYO TARSAN
2.

Gen. Cabdulaahi Gaafoow Maxamuud  Hoggaanka Socdaalka iyo Jinsiyadaha
Gen. GaafowXamar amaba Muqdishada Maanta Gen. Cabdulaahi Gaafow Maxamuud hoggaanka waaxda socdaalka iyo jinsiyadaha waxaa looga yaqaanaa Sheekhul kulli waa atoore aad loo tixgeliyo loogana dambeeyo hawlaha ka socda waaxda socdaalka iyo jinsiyadaha Soomaaliyada liidata, magaca Sheekhul Kulli ayaa ku yimid qaabka hoggaamintiisu ay u dhigan tahay, waayo Gen. Gaafow ma lahan xafiis Muuqda iyo shaqaalle ay hawlahoodu qeexan yihiin, sida ku xigeen, madax shaqaaale, gacan yare iyo cid hadii isaga la waayo amaba uu maqan yahay buuxin karta waajibaadkiisa shaqo waana tan keentay in hadaad hawl uga baahato oo uu maqan yahay amaba mashquulsan yahay aad sugeyso wakhti farabadan.
Waxa uu dad badan dheer yahay isagoo fursad u soo helay in ku dhawaad 50 sano uu ka shaqeynayay waaxda socdaalka Soomaaliya, taliye ku xigeen ayuu booskan kasoo noqday wakhtigii dowladii Maxamed Siyaasad Barre, balse arinta la yaabka ah ayaa ah in marka laga tago dowladii carta ee uu hoggaaminayay Cabdiqaasim Salaad Xassan uu Gen. Gaafow uu soo hayay xilka Hoggaaminta waaxda Socdaalka Soomaaliya oo aan marnaba laga badalin.
Dowladihii Cabdulaahi Yuusuf iyo Shariif Sheekh Axmed labadaba waxa uu si xeeladaysan ugu fara adeygay Gen. Gaafow inuu adkeysto kursiga waxaana dhacday in xilkaasi intii uu hayay si gaar ah ugu tagri falayay awoodda hogaaminta socdaalka Soomaaliya.
Gen. Gaafow si lamid ah qowlaysatada xafiisyada dowladda sida ay rabaan ka yeella waxa uu ku tagri falaa dhaqaalaha kasoo xarooda waaxda socdaalka Soomaaliya  iyadoona aanay jirin bangiga dhexe iyo wasaaradda Maaliyaddu awood gaar ah oo ay ku leeyihiin dhaqaalaha xawliga ah ee laga sameeyo Passporada qeybahooda kala duwan ee uu bixiyo xafiiska Gen. Gaafow iyo isdoo kale Dalku galada (Fiisooyinka) Soomalaiya y ku gallaan ajaanibta booqanaysa amaba shaqooyinka u taga.

HALKAAN KA EEG DOORKA BASHIIRKA EE OLOMBIKADA SOOMAALIYA

Gen. Gaafow si lamid ah Tarsan waxa uu leeyahay ciidamo gaar ah oo isaga ka amar qaata kuwaasi oo u adegsado danaha gaarka ah ee uu leeyahay, waxaana si aad ah loogu xasuustaa wakhtigii u dhamaanayay hoggaankii Madaxweyne Shariif in Gen. Gaafow uu Muqdisho ku xirtay xildhibaan katirsan Baarlamaanka Soomalaiya.
3.
Gen. Shariif Sheekhunaa Maye Taliyaha Booliiska Soomaaliya
SheekhunaaGaashaanle sare Shariif Sheekhunaa waxa ay dowladii Ra’iisul wasaare Farmaajo ka keentay Dalka Denmark iyadoo dikreeto kasoo baxday xafiiskii Madaxweyne Shariif xilka guddoonka Booliiska Soomaaliya loogu dhiibay bishii April 2011, balse inkastoo la filayay in tayada Booliiska uu wax ka badelo maadaama uu ahaa nin wax badan kasoo shaqeeyay qeybaha kala duwan ee booliiska Soomaaliyeed, haddana wax u hagaajiyaba iska dhaafe waxa uu si gaar ah u fushadaa hawlo farabadan oo hadii Maxakamad ciidan oo madax banaan la heli lahaa in sharci adag lala tiigsado.
Sheekhuna waxa uu si shakhsiyaha oo gaar ah ugu tagri falay dhaqaaale badan oo dowladda Soomaaliya lagu siiyay iney wax ka qabato awoodda booliiska Soomaaliyeed, waxa laga xusi karaa dhaqaale iyo kaalmo caalamiya oo ay Japan iyo Hay’adda UNDP Soomaaliya ugu tallo gashay horumarinta Booliiska inuu si gaar ah ugu tagri-falay intii uu xafiiska joogay.
Waxa uu gacan bir ah ku qabtay qaar kamida taliyayaasha isaga la shaqeeya iyo weriyayaasha Muqdisho si aanay saameyn balaaran ugu yeellan ku tagri falka hantida iyo awooda qaranka isagoona leh ciidamo gaar ah oo isaga si gaar ah uga amar qaataoo u fuliya danaha gaarka ah ee Sheekhuna ka leeyahay Muqdisho.
Sheekhunaa awoodiisu waxay xoogeysatay wakhtigii ay socdeen u diyaar garawga ka bixitaanka wakhtiga kumeel gaarka ahaa ee Soomaaliya amaba dhamaadkii dowladii Sheekh Shariif, waxa uu awood ku lahaa soo xulitaanka Baarlamaanka Soomaaliya ee Beelaha Digil iyo Mirifle iyo Beesha Shanaad (Point five), waxa uu shirka ka saaray suldaamo magac lahaa iyo shakhsiyaad gaar ah oo la yaqaanay isagoona si gaar ah shakhsiyaad gaar ah ugu darsaday xildhibaanada Soomaaliya, taasoo dad badan la yaab ku noqon karta in Taliye Booliis ay saameyntiisa gaarto halkaas, waana tan keentay in Sheekhunaa safka hore kasoo gallo shakhsiyaadka ugu awooda badan Muqdisho ” Caasimadda Gablantay”
Markaad tagto xafiisyada EU, UNPOS, AU, IGAD iyo UNDP ayaa dareemaysaa awooda taliyaha Booliiska Soomaaliya iyo sida gaarka ah ee ugu tagri fallo mashaariic loogu tallo galay in lagu horumariyo Soomaaliya oo uu si gaar ah jeebka ugu shubto.
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4.
Gen. Bashiir Maxamed Jaamac ‘Bashiir Goobe”
bashiir_goobe_525380314Gen. Bashiir Maxamed Jaamac ‘Bashiir Goobe” waa shakhsi si weyn haatan looga yaqaano Muqdisho, waxaana uu caan ka dhex yahay bahda Isboortiga Soomaaliya, haatan waxa uu kamid yahay gollaha wasiirada ee Xukuumadda Ra’iisul wasaare Saacid, waxaana uu kamid yahay shakhsiyaadka loo magacaabay wasiir ku xigeenada waa wasiir ku xigeenka wasaaradda Horumarinta Bulshada ee Jamhuuriyada Federalka Soomaaliya.
Waa nin midabadiisu ay badan yihiin oo maalinba reer gaar ah (Qabiil gaar ah) sheegta waxa uu jagada Gaashaanlaha gaaray wakhtiyadii dambe ee Dowladii milatariga ahayd ee Soomaaliya, waxa uu dowladii Madaxweyne Shariif kamid ahaa agaasimayaasha wasaaradihii awooda badan lahaa isagoo noqday agaasimaha wasaaradda arimaha gudaha iyo amniga qaranka. waxaana si aad ah looga xasuusan karaa wakhtiyadii dambe awoodii uu ku lahaa soo xulitaankii Baarlamaanka Soomaaliya, dardar gelinta hawlihii ergadii ansixinaysay dastuurka federaalka Soomaaliya, iyadoo wakhtigaas Bashiir Goobe uu ahaa shakhsiyaadka aadka looga cabsan jiray islamarkaana dad badan ayuu wakhtigaas ku xirxiray magaalada Muqdisho.
Bashiir Goobe waxa uu leeyahay saaxiibo badan oo uu ku jira Madaxweynaha haatan talada haya Mudane Xassan Sheekh Maxamuud, waa shakhsi si walba u shaqeeya, waxaana la tilmaamaa inuu awood sare ku leeyahay dhinaca ciidamada maadaama Muqdisho laga aaminsan yahay in Bashiir Goobe uu ka tirsan yahay Booliiska Adduunka ee INTER POL loo yaqaano, waxa jirta is saraakiil gaar ah ay u fuliso hawla joogtada ah ee uu ka sameeyo Muqdisho.
Waxaad ogaan kartaa inuu nin si walba u shaqeeya, yahay markaad xaqiiqsato inuu intaad oo jago soo qabtay:

Waa siyaasi kamid noqday gollaha wasiirada
Waxa uu soo qabtay xilka Guddoomiyaha xiriirka kubadda cagta Soomaaliya
Waxa uu soo noqday Taliye ku xigeen Booliis
Waxa uu soo noqday Agaasimaha guud ee wasaaradii arimaha gudaha iyo amniga qaranka wakhtigii Sheekh Shariif
Waxa uu u tartamay xilka Guddoomiyaha 1-aad ee Baarlamaanka Soomaaliya
Waana xubin ka tirsan Booliiska adduunka ee INTER POL.

Bashiir Goobe waxay saaxiibo aad isugu dhaw yihiin Tarsan “Guddoomiyaha Banaadir” waxaa labadooda si gaar ah loogu xasuustaa doorkii ay ku lahaayeen doorashooyinka guddiga olombikada Soomaaliyeed ee GOS taasoo ka dhacday Hotelka Jasiira ee Muqdisho. HALKAAN KA EEG DOORKA BASHIIRKA EE OLOMBIKADA SOOMAALIYA
Sidoo kale waxay macriifo hantida qaranka wada baacsata yihiin Gen. Shariif Sheekhunaa Maye oo hoggaamiye booliiska Soomaaliyeed, waxaa si gaar ah xiriirkoodu uu soo shaacbaxay sidii ay u maareeyeen soo xulitaankii Baarlamaanka Beesha 5-aad wakhtigii kala guurka ee August iyo September, 2012 oo ay xad-gudub farabadan ka geysteen Muqdisho.

5.

Faarax Sheekh Cabduqaadir ‘Wasiiru Dowlaha Madaxtooyada”

faarax-sheekhDr. Faarax Sheekh Cabduqaadir oo ah shakhsi ku cusub siyaasadda Soomaaliya balse aad ay u yaqaaneen bahda waxbarashada Muqdisho gaar ahaan Bah-wadaagta FPENS iyo machadka SIMAD waxaa la oran karaa waa shakhiga ay ilaa hadda awoodiisu muuqato ee ku lammaan Madaxweyne Xassan Sheekh Maxamuud.

Xamar haatan waxaa looga yaqaanaa Madaxweyne ku xigeen ahna wasiirka Maaliyadda waa mashiinka ka shaqeysiiya maskaxda Madaxweyne Xassan Sheekh Maxamuud, waxa uu kamid ahaa maskaxdii doorka muuqatay ku lahayd Madaxweyne Gurguurte doorashadiisii, iasgoona ahaa isku xiraha xisbiga Madaxweynaha iyo Dalalka Khaliijka, gaar ahaana dalalka Sacuudiga iyo Kuwait, balse awoodiisu durba Soomalaidu wey dareentay oo waxaa loo bixiyay Sakiinta Cusub amaba Faarax Sakiin.

Inkastoo uu ka mid yahay gollaha wasiirada Soomaaliya oo uu hayo xilka wasiiru dowlaha madaxtooyada ahna la taliyaha madaxweynaha haddana waxa uu yahay shakhsiga wakhtiga ugu badan la qaata madaxweynaha. Waxaa uu amarro toos ah siiyaa qaar badan oo kamida gollaha wasiirada maadaama uu yahay shakhsi awood badan ku dhex leh Villa Soomaaliya.

Mid kamida gollaha wasiirada oo diiday inaan magiciisa xigano ayaa GP u sheegay in Faarax uu haatan ka awood badan yahay Saacid iyo Madaxweynaha marka la eego hawlaha haatan ka socda Soomaaliya.

Waxyaabaha wasiirada uu uga duwan yahay waxaa kamida waa wasiirka kaliya ee keligiis lagu hor dhaariyay Baarlamaanka Soomaaliya, iyadoona aanay la soconin wasiiro kale, waxa uu door muuqda ku lahaa safaradii madaxweynuhu ku tegay Jabuuti, Uganda, Kenya, Mareykanka iyo Sacuudi Carabiya. Waxaana uu isaga oo si gaar ah Soomaaliya u metalaya Faarax booqday wadamada Qadar, Kuwait iyo Sacuui Carabiya halkaas oo uu kula kulmay amiirada wadankaas.


HALKAAN KA DAAWO FAARAX SAKIIN OO SHIR CAALAMIYA FADHIYA

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Haatan waxa uu Soomaaliya u metalayaa shir caalamiya oo la filayay in Soomaaliya ay madaxda ugu sareysa kasoo qeyb gallaan oo ka dhacaya magaalada Davos ee dalka Switzerland kaasoo looga hadlayo horumarinta dhaqaalaha wadamada caalamka, iyadoo la filayay in Madaxweynaha, Ra’iisul Wasaaraha iyo wasiirka maaliyadda ay ka qeyb gallaan balse Faarax iyo wefdi kooban oo la socda ayaa Soomaaliya Shirkaas u metalaya.

W.Q Maxamed Cabdulaahi

Muqdisho, Soomaaliya


Dhawaan waxaa idiin soo gudbin doonaa, Ku tagri fal awoodeedka gaarka ah ee taliyaha Booliiska, iyo Duqa Magaalada Muqdisho


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Last Updated on Thursday, 31 January 2013 12:26

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