Wednesday, 31 July 2013

Daawo:Gabar Gaaloowday Oo Diinta Islaamka Ka Baxday

Daawo:Gabar Gaaloowday Oo Diinta Islaamka Ka Baxday Oo Barnaamish Ay Ka Diyaariyeen Qolooyin Gaalo AhPDFPrintE-mail
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Thursday, 01 August 2013 00:17

Kadib markii ay Xerooyinka Qaxootiga ee Soomaalidda ee Kenya ay soo baxeen Hey*addo Soomaalidda faqiirka ah lacago ku soo jiito si ay Diinta Islaakma uga baxaan,ayaa waxay ku guuleysteen Gabar Soomaalidda xeryaha Qaxootiga ku jiro inay Diinta Masiixiga baraan kadibka ka dhigaan Kirishtaamad aaminsan in Ilaahay uu dhalay Nabi-Ciise oo uu wiil leeyahay.

Gabadhan oo magaaladda Nairobi ee caasimadda Kenya ku nool waqti-xaadirkan  ayaa ka sheekeynaysa iyadoo xayeeysiis u samaynaysa qolooyinka kunturaada ku qaata inay Soomalidda Qaxootiga ah  gaaleysiiyaan,inay habeen iyadoo dhibaataysan ay bariday Nebi-Ciise kadibna kurbadii haysay laga dul-qaaday,wixii maalintaas ka dambeeyana ay Diinta Islaamka ka baxday,inkastoo marka aad hadalkeeda dhuuxdo aad ogaaneyso inay Diinta uga baxday xoogaa yaroo shilimaad ah oo la siiyay,maadama sida ay qiratay markii ay baratay dad hanti heysto oo Nairobi degan ay ka dhaa-dhiciyeen inay Diinta Masiixiga qaadato,iyagoo siiyay Kutubka Bible,intii ay gurigooda joogtayna u sahlay inay baraan qaabka Ilaahay iyo Nebi-Ciise oo hal Ilaah isku noqonayo inay barido si ay uga kaaftoondo Diinta Islaamka,waa sida ay hadalka u dhigayaan qolooyinka gabadhan faqiirka ah lacagta ku faraqay si ay Diinta Islaamka uga baxdo.

Riix:oo Daawo:Gabar Soomaali oo ka sheekeynaysa Qaabkii ay Diinta Islaamka uga baxday

Ama Hoos Ka Daawo:

Shacabkamedia-Beyra-Puntland

Runta Kama-X─▒shoono

Email:Shacabkamedia@live.com

Last Updated on Thursday, 01 August 2013 00:42

Amin Amir iyo Shabeelada Hoose

Shadow Diplomacy: African Nations Bypass Embassies, Tap Lobbyists


african lobbyists
A sign showing K Street is shown 01 February 2006 in Washington, D.C. A stone's throw from the White House, K Street is an alternative corridor of power in U.S. politics, packed with thick carpeted offices and lobbyists with even deeper pockets. (KAREN BLEIER/AFP/Getty Images)

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Wednesday, July 31, 2013
As gunshots rang out in the background, then-Prime Minister of Somalia Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed called his man in the United States.
It was 2011, and fighting around Mohamed’s fortified location in Mogadishu was commonplace. John Zagame had grown used to hearing gunshots and mortar fire during his daily phone conversations with the premier. They discussed the state of play in Mogadishu and how best to approach key leaders in the Obama administration and Congress for help.
But Zagame did not work for an embassy, nor was he a diplomat.
Rather, Zagame was a vice president at Park Strategies LLC – a Washington, D.C.-based lobbying firm run by the former Republican Senator from New York, Alfonse D’Amato.
“The prime minister needed representation here and someone to carry his message,” Zagame said. “So that’s where we came in. He needed expressions of support from the U.S. and the U.N. at the highest level.”
Call it ambassadorial outsourcing. African nations, eager to play the Washington game of being heard in the right places, spend millions on Washington lobbyists to burnish their images and find favor with U.S. policy makers.
With Congress in perpetual stalemate and partisanship worse than ever in Washington, navigating the world of the Obama administration, federal agencies and Capitol Hill is difficult even for the most seasoned professionals. These nations – some of the poorest on the planet – are lining up top D.C. lobbying names and signing contracts that can reach to the seven figures.
Need a direct flight from your capital to the U.S.? Want improved trade relations, or your new government recognized by the American government? Does your president want to score tickets to an elite conference to rub elbows with the powerful? African leaders have turned to K Street lobbying shops for these and other services. And should they find themselves in a dicey situation tainted by accusations of corruption, help from American masters of public relations is only a phone call away.
African nations both large and small are jumping into the game, and paying hefty sums to do it. (Somalia’s 2011 contract with Park Strategies was $240,000.) A 100Reporters review of federal lobbying records and interviews shows for example:
  • Somaliland and Puntland, autonomous regions in Somalia, hired their own lobbyists. Puntland hired the Moffett Group – a Washington firm run by former Connecticut Congressman Toby Moffett – to help get ConocoPhillips to reinvest in its oil exploration leases. Somaliland hired the Glover Park Group – run by former Clinton administration officials Carter Eskew, Joe Lockhart and Michael Feldman – and in March signed a new contract worth 22,500 per month.
  • Last summer, Nigeria agreed to pay the Glover Park Group30,000 a month, plus expenses. Documents show Nigeria was particularly concerned with U.S. policies related to security cooperation between the two countries.
  • Madagascar hired the U.S. Fed Group to arrange a series of meetings for its transitional president President H.E. Rajoelina in key American states – and an invitation to the Clinton Global Initiative (CGI) conference in June 2012. Records show U.S. Fed paid Quintairos, Preito, Wood and Boyer in Chicago75,000 to score the invitation and an appearance with Bill Clinton and meetings with the mayor of Chicago, governor of Illinois and other officials.
  • Mauritius paid the Washington firm Ryberg & Smith LLP600,000 from 2003 to 2011. This year, federal records show, it is paying Mercury LLC a20,000-a-month to advance issues related to its “sovereignty.” (Mauritius claims sovereignty over the Chagos islands, where the key American military base on Diego Garcia is located).
  • Kenya paid Chlopak, Leonard, Schechter and Associates2.4 million in 2008, followed by roughly another2 million in 2009, to lobby policymakers and burnish the country’s reputation among business leaders in Washington, New York and other cities. In 2010, the Kenyan government entered an agreement with both Chlopak and the Moffett Group for advocacy and communication services.
  • South Sudan hired the firm Independent Diplomat when it seceded from the north in 2011, to help the new country secure diplomatic recognition as an independent state.
Like South Sudan, the former Transitional Federal Government of Somalia hired the Moffett Group in the absence of an embassy to press its case in Washington. Following the long-awaited normalization of relations between Washington and Mogadishu in January, Somalia’s Central Bank asked Moffett to help its effort to renegotiate its foreign debt, rebuild its financial system and forge relationships with other central banks. (The bank also sought stolen government funds that it believed were frozen by U.S. authorities – but Moffett discovered no such seizures.)
Meanwhile, big African nations – Kenya for instance – have hired lobbyists who augment – and sometimes clash – with their existing embassy staff.
The Whitaker Group worked to engineer a turnaround in Uganda’s troubled image, assisted by a former top official for African affairs from both the Bush and Clinton administrations. Rwanda, Tanzania and others have all paid for representation from K Street insiders.
THE UN-DIPLOMATS
Lobbyists say they can aid these countries by sidestepping the delicate world of diplomatic language and embassy protocol to get right to key Washington decision makers.
But nations can present distinct challenges as a client. Lobbyists hired to help improve their images occasionally have to worry about their own reputations as well.
Some lobbyists and public relations shops have cancelled contracts amid criticism of their roles, particularly when their clients cracked down on critics or flouted international norms too blatantly. Lobbying agreements with Egypt, Uganda and Rwanda have all collapsed when events in those countries took a downward turn.
But for every firm that steps aside, there is another that rises up to reap huge fees, regardless of the notoriety at stake.
Washington, D.C.-based Qorvis Communications has polished the image of the tiny West African nation of Equatorial Guinea – whose vast oil wealth goes to finance outlandish luxury for its ruling family, the Obiangs, while 76.8 percent of its people live below the poverty level according to World Bank figures. (American and French authorities have seized numerous assets of the Obiangs, including a $180 million French mansion, 11 luxury cars, $50 million worth of furniture and a $2 million wine collection.)
Qorvis has raked in nearly $70,000 a month to lead the charge in obscuring the regime’s record. Qorvis, which also represents the government of Bahrain and drew heat for defending that country’s violent crackdown on pro-democracy protesters in 2011, has worked to legitimize the ruling family.
Qorvis employs an aggressive media strategy of pitching favorable stories to American media outlets—though Matt J. Lauer, who oversees its global brand, did not respond to interview requests for this story. Qorvis issues a steady stream of press releases touting Equatorial Guinea as a wonderful place – a strategy partially aimed at manipulating search engines such as Google, so that news stories that are generally unfavorable get pushed further down its search results in favor of flattering portrayals by Qorvis.
With Qorvis’s help, Equatorial Guinea even managed to snag the honor of co-hosting the Africa Cup of Nations, the continent’s prestigious bi-annual soccer tournament.
The Obiangs also turned to Lanny Davis, a former Clinton Administration official who now runs his own Washington lobbying shop.
Davis told 100Reporters that he initially rebuffed EG’s overtures in 2009, but agreed to help roll out democratic reforms in the troubled nation. His fee: $1 million annually, plus expenses, over two years.
“I took the representation on because I thought they were doing bad things, and I was hired to make them do good things,” he said. Davis, whose role drew outspoken criticism from human rights groups and other organizations, said he was unfairly targeted as “defending a dictator.”
“These countries are pleading to be in the United States’ good graces. And my answer was, ‘It’s never going to happen unless you treat your people right, you have transparency, due process, a judiciary, a free press,’” he said. “You can spend all the money you want on the P.R. agencies of the world to write your press releases. It will never happen. Because you cannot fool anyone, you have to change facts on the ground.”
Davis cited a speech that Obiang gave laying out a path toward political and economic freedoms. The speech – which Davis wrote – was well received at the time and praised by Archbishop Desmond Tutu.
But Obiang’s words never translated into action: today Equatorial Guinea’s citizens face the same hardships, poverty and political repression they always have – while the Obiang family itself remains one of the wealthiest in Africa.
“The program was not implemented,” Davis said.
According to Davis, the reforms were not the only thing that didn’t materialize: neither did the six-figure reimbursements for travel expenses his firm racked up during four extended trips to Africa. The firm parted ways with Equatorial Guinea after only a year and Davis is now suing in federal court to recover the payments he says his firm is owed.
Citing the pending litigation, Davis declined to say whether he thought the Obiangs ever intended to follow through on reforms.
FILLING A GAP?
Federal records show that in recent years, numerous African governments have been inking such deals – from the ones previously mentioned to others including Gabon, Cameroon, Mali and even tiny Gambia.
Toby Moffett said that “over the last decade or so there’s been a big up-tick in the number of countries that have hired companies here.”
Moffett said developing countries in Africa lack established embassy operations and diplomatic finesse, and frequently need help to get access to key policymakers. Sometimes they need lobbyists to lead their entire effort in Washington. Larger nations, meanwhile, seek extra help in achieving specific objectives, or to press their cases in ways that an embassy staffer, or even ambassador, would shy away from attempting.
“There is a certain value that comes when you have Americans talking to Americans, and that comes with having unfiltered, undiplomatic communication,” Moffett said. “We can say things to members of the administration or Congress that an ambassador just couldn’t do.”
Kenya, an important regional power in Africa, has a Washington embassy staffed by several dozen nationals and a multi-million dollar budget. Nevertheless, Kenya turned to U.S. lobbying and public relations firms for damage control after tribal violence engulfed the country, following charges of vote rigging in the 2007 election by President Mwai Kibaki.
Eager to press its case in Washington – ranging from trade issues to direct flights to Nairobi – the Kenyan government hired the Chlopak, Leonard and later the Moffett Group, as well.
Though favored back in Nairobi, the outsourcing led to friction with Kenya’s former ambassador in Washington, who questioned the need for U.S. firms to do work traditionally under the embassy’s charge.
The ambassador, Rateng Ogego, opposed continuing the original contract when it came up for renewal. His successor, Elkanah Odembo, followed suit and also raised objections to hiring American firms.
Both men were overruled by officials back in Nairobi.
“If the main purpose of the contract is to have CLS [Chlopak, Leonard] engage in public advocacy on behalf of Kenya, what is the role of the embassy’s 35 staff at the annual cost of $3,024,803?” Odembo said. American policymakers, the ambassador added, don’t need U.S. companies to tell them what’s happening back in Kenya, and are unlikely to be swayed by “a charm offensive.”
Former Kenyan trade minister Mukhisa Kite said such lobby contracts are not necessary, and could be a vehicle for corruption. The country should represent itself.
“I believe some people within government are benefiting from this deal and not necessarily the Kenyan people,” said Kituyi, in an interview prior to his appointment as Secretary-General of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development.
Moffett argues it can be less expensive to outsource work to a U.S. lobbying firm than pay the costs associated with hiring eight or 10 full-time embassy employees, and that his clients keep a close eye on the bottom line. “I don’t have any question that major value is being brought that they wouldn’t otherwise have,” he said. “We’re under constant pressure to show results and progress – if that doesn’t happen, then they will say goodbye.”
He said his firm and the Kenyan embassy generally split the Washington political turf. The Kenyans focus on the State Department and executive branch. His lobbying firm, by contrast, concentrates mainly on Congress.
“I can go to a dozen members of Congress and their staffs on an issue,” Moffett said. “An ambassador can be very talented, but if I’m with House members and their staffs and I tell them, ‘Look, you really need to focus on this, it’s important’ – they’re going to pay attention in a different way.”
CUTTING BAIT
Not all of these engagements have a happy ending. In some cases, the lobbying efforts simply do not pay off. That is not an entirely unusual outcome for advocacy work – especially in an increasingly fractured Washington.
Trickier yet is the dilemma faced by firms dealing with unstable and corrupt regimes. Events on the ground can suddenly shift in unexpected ways.
Both of those factors came into play when then-Prime Minister Mohamed, of Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government, most needed a show of American support.
Mohamed, also known by the nickname “Farmaajo,” came to power through an unorthodox path. He applied for asylum in the United States in 1988, after publicly criticizing the Somali government while representing its interests in the U.S. Mohamed went on to graduate from the State University of New York at Buffalo and found himself in public service once again – this time for the local housing authority in Buffalo, N.Y. He later wound up working for the New York Department of Transportation, and taught conflict resolution at a local community college.
Yet in late 2010, a political vacuum in Somalia drew him back to his native country. The Somali president tapped him to be prime minister, in an attempt to unite disparate political factions. (The transitional government, formed in 2004, was still largely dysfunctional, and a scathing U.N. report would later conclude that in 2009 and 2010, nearly 70 percent of the money it received wound up being embezzled.)
Somalia’s lobbying contract with Park Strategies came about through another twist of fate. Joel Giambra – a former city official Mohamed knew in Buffalo, had recently gone to work for Park Strategies. Mohamed called him for advice on reaching American officials in Washington.
The lobbying shop, which had never before taken on a country as a client, found itself acting as the de facto diplomatic mission for Mohamed and his government.
“You can’t say you’re an embassy, because you don’t have diplomatic credentials and can’t go in an official capacity,” said Zagame, Park Strategies’ vice president involved in the effort. “But we basically did the things an embassy should do.”
This included representing Somalia and explaining its shifting political landscape to members of Congress and State Department officials, as well as organizing meetings for Mohamed with policymakers.
Before long, the prime minister faced a crisis. And so did Park Strategies.
The speaker of the Somali parliament became locked in a power struggle with the transitional government’s president – and to protect his own turf, each man began orchestrating a back-room deal that left Mohamed out in the cold. They announced an agreement to form Somalia’s first non-“transitional” parliament in nearly a decade. But the speaker had a condition: Mohamed had to go.
Park Strategies rushed to Congressional leaders and the Obama administration, seeking help. But none came.
“Sadly, that didn’t happen, and he was essentially sacrificed on an altar of political expediency,” Zagame said.
Though the news of Mohamed’s ouster ignited protests in Somalia, he chose not to dig in and fight. Instead, Mohamed left the country and returned to the United States in the summer of 2011 – back to Buffalo. Back to work in his cubicle at the New York Department of Transportation.
At that point, the lobbying shop had a decision to make: Would it continue to represent the Somali government which had just rebuffed its reformist prime minister and was riddled with corruption? Or would it give up a potentially lucrative contract?
“We eventually told the new prime minister that we were withdrawing our representation,” Zagame said. “We’d gotten involved because of Mohamed and what we felt he was trying to accomplish. When things took a different direction, we just weren’t comfortable being advocates for that government anymore.”
A spokesman for Abdi Farah Shirdon, Somalia’s current prime minister, declined to comment on the events surrounding Mohamed and Park Strategies. But he told 100Reporters the new, non-transitional government currently has no agreements with U.S. lobbying firms.
“Since we normalized our relations with Washington our diplomats play the lead role,” said spokesman Ahmed Adan, saying he didn’t think “a lobbying firm can be the diplomatic face of Somalia.”
However, when asked about the Central Bank’s current contract with The Moffett Group, Adan declined to explain the distinction or clarify his statements. (The bank operates as an independent entity in Somalia, though the prime minister is aware of the Americans’ involvement and has even participated in some phone calls, according to Moffett
Somalia was not an isolated instance, as instability and regime changes in Africa can put U.S. firms in a quandary. The monetary value of a contract can suddenly be at odds with the reputational damage it can bring.
The Whitaker Group was credited with promoting investments in Uganda’s cotton industry and boosting trade by helping global giant Starbucks purchase Ugandan coffee. But in 2009, President Yoweri Museveni’s government continued its suppression of political opponents and gays. Museveni then maneuvered to change the constitution to allow him cling to power. The firm broke off its relationship. (A spokeswoman for Whitaker did not return phone calls from 100Reporters.)
The fast-moving and unstable events in Egypt after the 2011 revolution presented similar challenges for firms seeking to represent the government there.
Shortly after Egypt’s popular uprising riveted the world – as it once again is doing now – the ruling military council that followed ousted president Hosni Mubarak hired three Washington lobbying firms at a combined cost of roughly $90,000 per month.
The Moffett Group was among them, as were the Podesta Group and the Livingston Group – run by former Louisiana Congressman Bob Livingston, who had been chairman of the powerful House Appropriations Committee in the 1990s but was forced to resign after a scandal.
But when Egyptian authorities started raiding non-governmental organizations and jailing their workers, Americans among them, the uproar was swift and inescapable. Condemnations from around the U.S. and the world grew.
Adding fuel to the fire: one of the Americans detained was Sam LaHood, son of then-U.S. Transportation Secretary Ray LaHood. He was arrested at the airport trying to leave the country.
Members of Congress called for cutting off aid to Egypt, and Cairo frantically turned to their new hired guns in D.C. for help – claiming the NGOs didn’t have proper permits to operate in the country. Initially, the firms tried to pass that argument on to U.S. officials. But if their goal was to lower the political temperature, the effort backfired.
The Livingston Group even drew up talking points for defending the Egyptian generals. The talking points subsequently hit the press and heightened the condemnation of Egypt’s old guard military council and its hired guns on K Street. The contracts became untenable.
Moffett said he told Egyptian authorities he needed reasonable concessions to take to worried American officials – which would mean ceasing the military’s crackdown on human rights workers and releasing those it had detained. There could be ways to do it while saving face, but it had to be done, Moffett said he told them.
“They couldn’t give us anything to talk about on the Hill or the White House on rounding up these NGO workers,” Moffett said. “They said ‘Well these are our laws.’ I said, ‘We understand sovereignty, but you’re not going to get away with busting in to American groups, taking cash, putting people in a closet, detaining them.’”
Moffett said he gave up after his clients in Cairo refused to even expedite a review of the criminal cases against the American and other human rights workers in custody. The firm cancelled its contract with Egypt in early 2012.
“We just couldn’t defend them anymore,” he said.
Egypt would eventually blink on the NGO workers. And more than a month after he was detained, Sam LaHood was allowed to leave the country and return to the United States.
A spokeswoman for the Livingston Group declined to comment on its involvement with Egypt. But she said the firm no longer represents the country.
Davis, who represented Equatorial Guinea, may also hold the record for the shortest tenure of any lobbying firm’s involvement with an African nation.
In late 2010, Davis signed a $100,000-a-month contract to represent the Ivory Coast when its former president, military strongman Laurent Gbagbo, stayed on after losing an election. Ten days later, however, Davis quit.
Davis faced blistering criticism from human rights groups, but he said critics misunderstood his mission: to secretly facilitate Gbagbo’s peaceful departure in conjunction with the country’s ambassador and the U.S. State Department.
“The whole thing was supposed to be behind the scenes to get him out,” Davis said. The contract, he added, was essentially a cover to set up a backchannel way of getting Gbagbo on the phone with President Barack Obama. There was just one problem: Gbagbo wouldn’t take Obama’s call.
While Davis defended his involvement with Equatorial Guinea, he told 100Reporters that he regrets the Ivory Coast affair – calling it an “immense mistake” and that he should have been transparent about his role.
“I don’t think I’ll ever do this again,” he said.

Aaron Kessler reported from Washington and Wanjohi Kabukuru reported from Nairobi Kenya.

Askari Nabadsugid ah oo xaley la diley

Askari ka tirsan Nabadsugida oo xalay lagu dilay magaalada Muqdisho
Askari ka tirsan ciidamada nabadsugida ayaa xalay lagu dilay degmada Warta Nabada Ex Wardhiigley, kaasoo rag bastoolado ku hubeysan ay ku toogteen Xaafada Xararyaale.

Warar kala duwan ayaa ka soo baxaya dilka askarigan oo la sheegay inuu ka mid ahaa saraakiisha Nabadsugida.

Dadka deegaanka ayaa sheegay in kooxo bastoolado ku hubeysan ay dileen, kadibna ay baxsadeen.

Maalmihii u dambeeyay ayaa waxaa dilal qorsheysan ay ka dhacayeen degmooyin ka tirsan Gobolka Banaadir.

Ammaanka ayaa u muuqda mid faraha ka sii baxaya, iyadoo maalmo ka hor ay ka dhaceen magaalada Muqdisho qaraxyo.


Somali news leader 
www.jowhar.com 
golfyare@gmail.com 
jowharcom@hotmail.com

Isku shaandheyntii Xukuumada oo September dib u dhacday iyo Xildhibaanada oo la fasaxay

Isku shaandheyntii Xukuumada oo September dib u dhacday iyo Xildhibaanada oo la fasaxay
Xildhibaanada Baarlamaanka Soomaaliya ayaa maanta galay fasax bil ah oo ka bilaaban doonta maanta, iyadoo la soo xiray maanta kalfadhigii aan caadi aheyn ee Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya ku baaqay Xildhibaanada in muddo bil ah ay sii shaqeeyaan.

Kalfadhiga aan caadiga aheyn fadhigiisa 18aad ayaa maanta la soo xiray, iyadoo Xildhibaanada ay horay u soo ansixiyeen dhowr hindiso sharciyeedyo ay soo gudbisay Xukuumada, inkastoo ay dhiman yihiin hindiso sharciyeedyo kale.

Fasaxa Xildhibaanada ayaa baajiyay isku shaandheyntii lagu waday in Golaha Wasiirada lagu sameeyo, maadaama aanay Xukuumad la soo dhisi karin iyadoo fasax uu jiro Baarlamaanka, isla markaana sida dastuurku qabo ay tahay in Xukuumada marka la soo magacaabo muddo 30-cisho gudahood lagu horkeeno.

Waxaa jiray qorshe ku aadanaa in mudanayaasha baarlamanka looga dalbado in muddo todobaad dheeraad ah ay sii shaqeeyaan, si markaas isku shaandheynta Xukuumada lagu shaaciyo, deetana lagu horgeeyo, hase ahaatee uu diiday Gudoonka baarlamaanka.

Xildhibaanada baarlamaanka ayaa la filayaa inay soo laabtaan 2-da bisha September, iyadoo markaas wixii ka dambeeya laga yaabo in is bedelka Xukuumada lagu dhawaaqo.

Warar ay heshay Jowhar.com ayaa sheegaya in Golaha Wasiirada la shaacin doono ka hor 16-ka September, xilligaas uu ka furmayo magaalada Brusless shir Midowga Yurub ay u qabaneyso Soomaaliya oo ku saabsan dib u dhiska dalka.

Maalmihii u dambeeyay ayaa waxaa jiray hadal heyn badan oo ku aadanaa is bedelka Xukuumada lagu sameeyay, kaasoo intiisa badan la dhameystiray, waxaana Xukuumadan ay ka koobaan doontaa 50-Wasiiro oo isugu jiro 25-Wasiiro, 20-Wasiir kuxigeeno iyo 5-Wasiiru dowle sida ay xaqiijiyeen ilo wareedyo ku dhow dhow xafiisyada madaxda dowladda ee ku howlan is bedelka Xukuumada.


Somali news leader 
www.jowhar.com 
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jowharcom@hotmail.com

Guddiga qaban-qaabinaya shirka Issimada Puntland oo sheegey in qaban-qabadisa ay marayso heer gebo-gebo ah


Magaaladda lugu wado inuu shirka ka furmo Qardho
Magaaladda lugu wado inuu shirka ka furmo Qardho
Qardho[RBC Radio]Magaaladda Qardho ee xarunta gobolka Karkaar Puntland waxaa lugu wada dhawaan inuu ka furmo shir ay yeelanayaan Issimada Puntland,shirkaas ayaa xiligaan la sheegey inuu heer gebo-gebo ah marayso qaban-qabadisa.
Maal mihii anuu soo dhafney waxaa shirar Qardho ku yeelanayey guddiyada loo xir-saaray shirka Issimada iyagoona ka doodayey habka uu u qabsomi karo shirka iyo nooca shirka uu noqon doono.
Guddiga shirka qaban-qaabinaya ayaa maantey shir ay ku yeeshen Hotel Alla-Aamin ee Qardho waxaa ay ka soo saaren war-murtiyeed ay uga hadlayaan halka ay wax umarayaan,waxana ay ku faah faahiyen wax yaabihi uga qabsoomeyey shirarkii ay yeelanayen,waxana ay tilmaamen inuu si wanagsan ku soo dhamaadey kulamadooda ay kaga arrinsanayeen nooca shirka uu noqon doono iyo qaban-qaabadisa guud.
Sidoo kale waxaa shirkooda guddiga ay ku qeybiyeen war-murtiyeed ka soo baxay guddiyada shirka abaabulaya, iyadoo war-bixintaas dadweynaha iyo bulshada qeybeheeda loo qeybiyey ay ku qornaayeen dhaliilaha wakhtigan ka jira Puntland.
Afhayeenka Guddiga qaban-qaabada shirka Issimada Puntland Mustafe Siciid “Shabac” ayaa saxaafada kula hadley guddaha Hotelka waxana uu si durugsan uga hadley wax yaalaha lugu wado inay isla soo qadaan Issimada Puntland inta uu shirkooda Qardho socdo.
…”"”Issimadu waxay ka arrinsanayaan aayaha Puntland waxana ay isla soo qadi doonan sidii loogu shaqen laha horumarka dalka iyo deegaanka..”"ayuu yiri afhayeenka Guddiga qaban-qaabada shirka Issimada Puntland.
Issimada Puntland
Issimada Puntland
Mustafe Siciid “Shabac” afhayeenka Guddiga qaban-qaabada shirka Issimada Puntland ayaa sidoo kale hadalkiisa kusoo qadey in issimadu ay ka shiri doonaan horumar la’aanta ka jira Puntland taaso uu sheegey in hoosu dhac laga dareemayo adeegyada horumarineed ee horey ujirey.
…”"”Issimadu waxaa ay kalo ka hadli doonan horumar la’aanta ka jira Puntland taaso saamen ku yeelatey adeegyada horumarineed ee Puntland ka jirey,waxana laga arrinsan doona sidi loo kabcinkaro horumarka Puntland…”"”ayuu ku sheegey hadalkiisa.
Shirakaan guddiga loo xilsarey qaban-qabadisa ay sheegen inuu heerkisa ugu danbeyey marayo ayaa horey Wasaarada arrimaha gudaha ee Puntland oo ka hadashey waxay tilmaamtey in aysan waxba kala socon shirka kaasi ka dhacaya xaruunta gobolka Karkaar.
Si kasto ay ahaataba tan iyo bishii hore ayaa abaabulka shirkaasi wuxuu ka socday magaalada Qardho iyadoona xiligaan la sheegey in furitankiisu uu soo dhawyahay.

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Kooxo hubeysan oo Baladweyn ku dilay afhayeenkii Odayaasha Dhaqanka gobolka Hiiraan


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Afhayeenkii Golaha Odayaasha Dhaqanka Gobolka Hiiraan oo lugudiley Baladwene ayaa waxaa lagu magacaabi jiray Xuseen Cilmi Ibraahim,illa iyo haddana lama xaqiijin sababta iyo cidda ka dambeysa dilka afhayeenka.
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RBC Radio
Xafiiska Gaalkacyo

Telangana: Protests over new state in southern India


Osmania University students celebrate after the announcement of the separate Indian state of Telangana in Hyderabad on July 30, 2013Violent protests have taken place in Andhra Pradesh over the Telangana issue

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Protests are being held in the southern Indian state of Andhra Pradesh, a day after the announcement that it will be split to form a new Telangana state.
Anti-Telangana protesters have ransacked the ruling Congress party office in Anantapur district and thrown stones at the police.
In the southern and coastal region of the state, businesses and schools are shut and transport disrupted.
The state has seen protests for and against the proposal in recent years.
With a population of 35 million, Telangana comprises 10 of Andhra Pradesh's 23 districts including Hyderabad, India's sixth biggest city.
Backers of the new state say the area has been neglected by the government.
Opponents of the move are unhappy that Hyderabad, home to many major information technology and pharmaceutical companies, will become a shared state capital for 10 years.
Passengers stranded
Wednesday's protests come a day after India's ruling Congress-led coalition unanimously agreed to the formation of the new state.
The protests have been called by the United Andhra Joint Action Committee which opposes the division of the state. Some local Congress party members have also opposed the split.
A total of 13 districts in the coastal and Rayalaseema regions have been affected by the strike, reports the BBC's Omer Farooq in Hyderabad.
Twenty-three lawmakers, including six from the Congress party, belonging to the state assembly have resigned in protest against the move, our correspondent says.
Businesses, schools and cinemas are closed and public transport has been badly hit, leaving many passengers stranded.

Telangana

Map
  • Population of 35 million
  • Comprises 10 districts of Andhra Pradesh, including city of Hyderabad
  • Landlocked, predominantly agricultural area
  • One of the most under-developed regions in India
  • 50-year campaign for separate status
  • More than 400 people died in 1969 crackdown
Protesters blocked railway lines in Nellore and roads in other districts, as well as staging demonstrations outside the houses of Congress party ministers and politicians.
Huge demonstrations have been held in Visakhapatanam, Tirupati and Vijayawada.
In the city of Ongole in Prakasham district, protesters also attacked the office of the opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) for supporting the splitting of Andhra Pradesh. Reports say Ongole could end up being the new capital of Andhra Pradesh.
Hundreds of paramilitary troops were deployed after Tuesday's announcement.
The final decision on a new state lies with the Indian parliament. The state assembly must also pass a resolution approving the creation of what will be India's 29th state.
Correspondents say the timing of the announcement is linked to general elections due early next year. Recent opinion polls have shown that the Congress party is struggling in the state, which has 42 parliamentary seats.
Deep divisions have emerged over the Telangana issue in the past four years.
In December 2009, India's Congress party-led government promised that the new state would be formed, but later said more talks were needed.
The Telangana campaign grew in strength that year when veteran politician K Chandrasekhara Rao went on a hunger strike for 11 days in an effort to press the government to agree to its creation.
Demand for Gorkhaland
Meanwhile, the main Gorkha ethnic group in India's West Bengal state has stepped up its demand for a separate state for Nepali-speaking Gorkhas in the tea-producing Darjeeling hills, reports Subir Bhaumik from Calcutta.
A Gorkha youth set himself on fire to protest against Delhi's alleged "dual policy" - one of overlooking Gorkha aspirations for a separate state while going ahead with the creation of Telangana.
"His condition is serious," said Roshan Giri, leader of the Gorkha Janamukti Morcha (GJM), which is leading the movement for the separate state.
"Now that Delhi is creating Telangana, it should consider our long-term aspirations for a separate Gorkhaland. Our region is totally different from West Bengal which is a Bengali-dominated state," he said.

Zimbabwe election: Votes counted after 'orderly' polls


Mark Lowen reports on the day's voting, which featured long queues of determined voters
Vote counting has begun in Zimbabwe's presidential and parliamentary elections.
Turnout was high in a fierce contest between President Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF and PM Morgan Tsvangirai's MDC.
Some polling stations remained open into the evening to allow those already queuing at closing time to cast votes.
Mr Mugabe, 89, has said he will step down after 33 years in power if he and his party lose. Zanu-PF denied MDC claims it doctored the electoral roll.
African Union (AU) observers have described the voting as "orderly and peaceful".
Zanu-PF and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) have shared an uneasy coalition government since 2009 under a deal brokered to end the deadly violence that erupted after a disputed presidential poll the previous year.
Western observers barred
Polls opened at 07:00 local time (05:00 GMT) and had been due to close at 19:00.

At the scene

Brian Hungwe, Harare
People are queuing with enthusiasm and determination.
Most of the voters have been speaking of the hope that the outcome will make a huge difference in their lives.
The polling officers told me some voters had been turned away for various reasons, such as because their names are missing from the voters' roll in their ward.
The majority of these are newly registered voters - and party agents are having to intervene to get electoral officials to check with the electoral commission's national command centre to see if the names are on the constituency register.
If the name is verified, they can go ahead and vote, but it is a long, tedious process which voters are finding frustrating.
Thabo Kunene, Bulawayo
Hundreds braved the cold and the wind to stand in queues, which started forming as early as 04:30. Asecurity guard said he saw some people sleeping opposite one polling station.
Women with babies strapped to their backs were being given special preference by other voters and allowed to go to the front. Women selling tea and coffee nearby made good business as those in the queues bought hot drinks to ward off the cold.
At one polling station in Makhokhoba, voting was progressing in an impressively ordered manner. People from different parties were chatting to each other and laughing but they avoided discussing who would win.
However, because of the high turnout election officials said people who were still waiting in queues to vote by 19:00 would have until midnight to cast their ballots.
Results are due within five days.
To be declared a winner, a presidential candidate must win more than 50% of the vote. If no candidate reaches this mark, a run-off will be held on 11 September.
The elections were the first to be held under the new constitution approved in a referendum in March this year.
The government barred Western observers from monitoring Wednesday's elections, but the AU and the Southern African Development Community (SADC), as well as local organisations, have been accredited.
Zimbabwe Election Support Network, the main domestic monitoring agency, said the vote appeared to be taking place without too many problems, Reuters news agency reports.
"There are some concerns around long queues, but generally it's smooth," said its spokesman Thabani Nyoni.
Former Nigerian President Olesegun Obasanjo, who heads the AU monitors, said the elections seemed credible.
"It's been quiet, it's been orderly. The first place I called in this morning, they opened prompt at seven o'clock and there haven't been any serious incidents that... would not reflect the will of the people." he told Reuters.
But while big queues were reported across the country, there were numerous complaints that voters were unable to find their names on the electoral roll.
According to villagers, MDC polling agents and local election observers, some irregularities were recorded in parts of rural Masvingo district.

A policeman stands as Zimbabweans line up near a polling station in Harare to vote in a general election on 31 July 2013Zimbabweans have been voting in fiercely contested presidential and parliamentary elections. These voters queued up in the capital, Harare, before polls opened. It is winter in Zimbabwe, so the mornings are chilly.
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And on Tuesday, the MDC accused Zanu-PF of doctoring the roll of registered voters, which was released by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) only on the eve of the polls after weeks of delay.

Zimbabwe election: Key facts

Zimbabweans wait to cast their votes in presidential and parliamentary elections in Harare, Wednesday 31 July 2013
  • About 6.4 million registered voters
  • Voting takes place between 05:00 GMT and 17:00 GMT
  • Vote for president and parliament
  • Zanu-PF's Robert Mugabe and MDC's Morgan Tsvangirai are the main presidential contenders
  • Mr Mugabe, 89, is seeking to extend his 33-year rule
  • Mr Tsvangirai, 61, hopes to become president after three failed attempts
  • The poll ends the fractious coalition between Zanu-PF and MDC, which was brokered by regional mediators after disputed elections in 2008 that were marred by violence
  • First election under new constitution
The MDC claimed the roll dated back to 1985 and was full of anomalies.
A BBC correspondent has seen the document and says it features the names of thousands of dead people.
MDC Secretary-General Tendai Biti said there were as many as two million such names, while some genuine voters were not finding their names on the rolls.
"The greatest worry which we have is the number of persons that are being turned away," he added.
A Zanu-PF spokesman denied the allegations and pointed out that appointees from both parties were on Zec.
He also accused Mr Biti, who is finance minister, of not funding the commission properly. Zec has not commented.
In addition to Mr Mugabe and Mr Tsvangirai, there are three other candidates standing for the presidency - Welshman Ncube, leader of the breakaway MDC-Mutambara; Dumiso Dabengwa of the Zimbabwe African People's Union (Zapu), and Kisinoti Munodei Mukwazhe, who represents the small Zimbabwe Development Party (ZDP).

UN: Starvation threatens 2 million in drought-hit Somalia

Fri Sep 13, 2019 01:44PM [Updated: Fri Sep 13, 2019 01:52PM ] Home Africa Somalia A newly arrived woman fleeing from the drought...