After years of
overlooking the real needs of the Somali people, it is significant change longed-for
that Somalia’s statebuiling featured in the strategic agenda of the key actors
of the International Community (IC), namely the G8 powers[1] in their
ministerial meeting held in London on April 11, 2013, under the UK Chairmanship.
The Ministerial decisions will be ratified by the 39th Summit of G8
heads of government planned for June 17-18, 2013 in Lough Erne, UK. This
political commitment marks the definitive shift on the part of the IC from the
exclusive regional and international security concerns to the broad goal of
rebuilding Somalia. To not miss this special opportunity for their common
future, Somalis must accelerate their national integration for sustainable
economic recovery and development.
The G8 foreign ministers
expressed their determination to provide high level political support to the
process of Somalia’s re-engagement with the International Financial
Institutions (IFI) - the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank
(WB), and the African Development Bank (AfDB) – institutions created to promote
macroeconomic cooperation, development and stability with sound fiscal,
monetary and financial policies at national and international levels. Given the stringent policies and procedures of
the IFI with regard to countries in default like Somalia, the ministers
strongly urged the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) to demonstrate particular
political commitment to the public financial management by strengthening transparency
and accountability as an essential condition for IFI re-engagement.
Specifically
on the issue of national integration, the G8 foreign ministers underscored the
importance of a comprehensive political settlement in Somalia, including
clarity on relations between central and regional authorities. This calls
attention to the flawed and opposing working relationship between center and
periphery. Regions must be integrated into the national macroeconomic framework,
security and justice system. The UNDP’s operational division of Somalia into
South Central, Puntland and Somaliland has to end.
The G8 decisions are
consistent with the new international vision and strategy outlined in the New
Deal based on the concept of comprehensive approach centered on local ownership.
The goal is to end the statelessness, fragmentation and fragility condition of
the countries in conflicts by empowering the local citizens to shape their
destiny peacefully, collectively, and democratically.
The
G8 actions complement the list of actions either already taken or under
finalization by the IC. Those actions include the UN Mini Summit that
re-defined the role of the IC in Somalia, the US diplomatic recognition of the
FGS, the lifting of arms embargo, the review of AMISOM operation, the new UN
Integrated mission for Somalia, the intense engagement of Somali political
factions and entities for final political compromise, and the upcoming
conferences in London, Brussels and Yokohama.
On
May 7, the British Government and the FGS will co-chair the first international
conference on Somalia[2], which will
endorse the immediate Somali priorities of rebuilding national institutions for
security forces-army, police, and coastguard-, justice, public financial management
and deepening political cohesion. Ninth century Muslim scholar, Imam Ibn Muhammad
Al Qutaybah Ad-Dinawaree said on government, “There can be no government
without an army, No army without money, No money without prosperity, And no
prosperity without justice and good administration.” The statement
mirrors the priorities expected from London Conference. One potential outcome could
be the transformation of the six pillars of President Hassan Sh Mohamud into
two years of IFI supported transitional program with benchmark tasks and price
tag of one billion dollars.
Somalia
will be high on the agenda of the 5th Tokyo International
Development Conference on Africa (TIDCA) to be held in Yokohama, Japan from 1
to 3 June 2013. UK as chair of G8 will present the case of Somalia to the
conference for mobilizing political and diplomatic support for socio economic
assistance with particular emphasis on the humanitarian dimension. Japan, the African Union, the WB, the UNDP
and the UN Office of the Special Advisor on Africa are co-organizers of the
conference.
In
September, the EU and the FGS will co-chair another conference in Brussels,
Belgium. That conference will endorse the medium term compact between Somalia
and the IC as a blueprint for the reconstruction of Somalia.
On
April 3, 2013 the AfDB Board of Directors approved Somalia Country’s Brief
2013-2015. With this approval, Somalia will be able to benefit from fragile
states facility (TSF), African Water Facility (AWF) and Special Relief Facility
(SRF) administered by AfDB. Since 2010, Somalia received about 3.7 million
dollars from AfDB.
On
April 12, 2013, IMF recognized the FGS, which paves the way for direct
cooperation. WB has had an engagement program with Somalia since the preparation
of the Joint Needs Assessment (JNA) in 2007 which produced Somalia
Reconstruction and Development Program (RDP) of five years period with the total
outlay of 2.2 billion dollars. Somalia owes about 600 million dollars of
arrears to the IMF and the WB out of the outstanding debt of US$ 3.656 billion.
The US government intends to help Somalia for clearing the arrears.
IFIs
play a catalyst role for donors’ financial support, debt relief under highly
indebted poor countries (HIPC) and Multilateral Debt Relief Initiative (MDRI),
and foreign investment. Donors’ priority tends to be first political reform,
technical assistance and control of domestic financial resources before
significant financial aid. Therefore, the process of re-engagement with IFI and
IC will be arduous and complex and requires dedication, perseverance and
professional and political skills. FGS must be adequately prepared on mapping problems
and policy priorities, on commitment and capability for the re-engagement with
the IC and IFI.
The role of Economic
recovery in peacebuilding and
statebuilding
The title of the book
of Dr. Ali Isse Abdi, former IMF official,
“Somalia: Crisis in Economic and Financial Management: The Root Cause of the
State Collapse and the Principal Challenge to National Recovery”, summarizes the main source of
the past and present troubles of Somalia.
At
the end of 1970s, Somalia endured severe economic downturn due to high
inflation and unemployment caused by widespread macroeconomic mismanagement,
political repression, corruption, wars and draughts. Black market economy,
capital flight, tax evasion, Franco Valuta system (import of commodities
without foreign exchange payment through the banking system), currency
substitution (dollarization) and public service desertion (brain drain) flourished
and changed the structure of the Somali economy.
The
Somali currency (the Somali Shilling) begun to lose progressively its three
functions of unit of account, medium of exchange and store of value. Thus, the
ruling regime entered negotiations with IMF and WB for economic and financial
support and adopted successive Structural Adjustment Programs (SAP).
While
Somalia’s performance of SAP was presented as a success story, this success did
not last long because selfish politicians and technocrats campaigned for the program’s
interruption. The regime refused to implement trade liberation, financial and public
enterprise reforms that have been the major source of economic deterioration. The
Central Bank of Somalia (CBS) was unable to resist the financing of rampant
government budget deficit.
The interruption of
IMF/WB program followed by massive credit creation utilized through cashier
checks precipitated economic and financial catastrophe that led to the collapse
of the Commercial Bank of Somalia. This financial calamity combined with
general discontent fuelled the uprising that brought down the entire Somali
state in 1991. That economic deterioration
continues as of today. The lack of credible macro-economic data on GDP and GNP,
debt to GDP ratios, foreign currency
reserve, consumer price index, inflation rate, unemployment, money supply,
human development indicators and accountable institutions will be one of the
major obstacles to economic recovery. It is not wrong to assume that the
economic and social indicators produced by donors after 1991 are not capturing
in full the depth of the socio-economic disaster that afflicted Somalia for
more than 35 years.
The
recent appreciation of the value of the 1,000 note Somali Shilling (So Sh)
vis-à-vis the dollar throughout Somalia has thrown the FGS and regional
authorities into confusion because both levels of government were not prepared
for how to deal with this macroeconomic shock. All necessary informational, political
and institutional/administrative conditions for macroeconomic management are
yet to be established.
The
supply of fake notes fueled continuous spiral of the Somali exchange rate from So
Sh. 15,000 in 2006 to So Sh. 35,000 in 2008 before it came down to So Sh.
19,800 in 2013. Contrary to the economic theory explanations, both the
appreciation and depreciation of the Somali exchange rate have had devastating
effects on the large segment of the poor population because the consumer goods,
services and assets are priced in US dollar.
The
formulation and implementation of macroeconomic policies requires effective
leadership, trained staff, aggregate data collection, analysis, monitoring and
evaluation. The Ministry of finance, the CBS, the General Accountant, and
General Auditor share the responsibilities of the macroeconomic financial management
functions. The integrity and capability of those institutions under the
leadership and oversight of the president, prime minister, and the federal parliament
is critical for laying the basic foundation of the statebuilding in Somalia.
National
integration and close cooperation with the IFI will expedite the painstaking
process of the return to the use of domestic currency as the legal tender for
the restoration of financial system of Somalia. As part of its institutional
responsibilities, the CBS must endeavor to establish first its internal
functional structure to face the challenges of establishing an efficient and
secure national payment system which is crucial to the economic recovery and
development. Incidentally, it would be appropriate that the FGS considers the
destruction of the “N” Banknote held by De La Rue, a longtime client of the CBS.
De La Rue deserves credit for not using corrupt tactics to transfer the
currency stock in its warehouses to illegitimate local warlords or entities in
order to get back its outstanding debt.
Finally,
the efforts of the FGS with regard to macroeconomic management policies cannot
be effective unless the country is hierarchically organized. The circular flows
of the economy presuppose formation of markets, freedom of movement, reliable
national public administration and system of justice in all corners of Somalia.
The time span Somalia will graduate from the failed/fragile situation will
depend on the determination of the Somali people for unity, cooperation and
common agenda for the ultimate purpose of national economic prosperity.
Mr.
Mohamud M Uluso
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