IGAD Strategy for Jubbaland creates ghetto satellites in Somalia
Besides terrorism threats, the
federal government of Somalia faces other threats emanating from three
different but self-reinforcing sources. These threats would derail the achievement
of peace, stability and self governance in Somalia.


Ethiopia plays dual roles, the
overall coordination role of IGAD strategy and the lead role for the satellites
of Somaliland, Puntland, Khatumo, Galmudug, Himan and Heeb, Ahlu Sunna Wal Jama,
and Bay and Bakol (South West). The governance of Middle Shabelle, Lower
Shabelle and Benadir regions are left for Uganda and Rwanda. Kenya and Ethiopia
share the lead role for Jubbaland (Azanialand) area. Djibouti shares the lead role
with Ethiopia in Dohada Shabelle (Hiiran) area. Clan militias are trained for each
area by Ethiopia or the lead country or by foreign security company. The
federal government forces and the AMISOM forces are trained and funded by US
and European Union without transparency and sustainability considerations.
A consortium led by the United
Nations Political Office for Somalia (UNPOS) manages the Federal Government
with the help of AMISOM forces (Uganda and Rwanda). Another consortium led by
IGAD (Ethiopia, Kenya and Djibouti) manages the Federal Member States (FMS) -
myriads of clan based satellites (states), with the help of Ethiopian and
Kenyan forces operating under their governments’ direction. In addition,
Ethiopia and Kenya have concluded on November 20, 2012 a special security
cooperation towards Somalia. The federal government has no effective role in
the security, financial and political planning and decisions on Somalia made in
Addis Ababa, Nairobi and New York. These parallel regional and international
interventions are to exacerbate the fragmentation of Somalia.
The second threat is the sabotage
of the international support for rebuilding Somalia. The source is the scholars
who are promoting the “hybrid-government or mediated state model” of governance
for Somalia. This model frees donors from the moral and political responsibility
as it provides the legal avoidance of supporting the state building agenda which
requires the combination of nationally owned plan with massive foreign
assistance. Those scholars prescribe placebo to Somalia diagnosed with terminal
cancer symptoms. Thus, Somalia is subjected to a discriminatory approach
compared to the successful approaches (treatment) applied to many failed states
in other parts of the world.
The third threat is a continuous
political paralyzes. The source is the divisive
federalism of the Provisional Constitution (PC) embedded in the Somali
politics. The foreign driven federalism under the slogan to overcome clan
injustices and conflicts is feeding clan divisions and political conflicts.
Although the federal parliament started amending or suspending same of the PC provisions
like 7 (3) (international boundary dispute),
67 (dissolution of parliament), 89 (election of president), and 135 (mandates and timelines for priority institutions and
independent commissions), the federalism of the PC inspires chaos, citizenship
betrayal and disunity.
The Somali people remember the
flourishing of officially entombed tribalism which finally dismantled without
trace the Somali State. They have seen the horror of civil war, the Green Line
in Mogadishu and the one now existing in Galka’io city, the secession of
Somaliland, the Khatumo and Himan and Heb states’ drive to stand separate from
Puntland and Galmudug States respectively.
The clan-caused injustices that
have plagued Somalia cannot be overcome through clan federalism. If there is
one truth recognized by the international community at the end of the
constitution making process in Somalia is the admission that the proposed federalism
is an issue that has not been settled among Somalis. Thus, the invocation of
federalism for establishing the administration of Kismaio city and district is
premature and without credible ground. What is more dangerous is the
empowerment of clan militia for local democratic administration given the
Somali political experience.
The PC assigns the
responsibilities related to establishing local administrations, foreign
affairs, national security and defense, immigration and citizenship, and monetary
and fiscal policies to the federal government. Indeed, local authorities are
constitutionally prohibited from having any working relationship with foreign
actors outside the federal government institutions. On the other hand, in
exercising its responsibilities to lead, represent and defend the national
unity and public interests, the federal government must respect the democratic
process and norms which are antithetical to the concentration of power in the
capital Mogadishu or in the hands of the central authority.
However, the federal government
faces the reality that the Somali local authorities, rebel movement leaders and
forces are influenced by their foreign patrons like IGAD and not by the spirit
and content of the PC and sense of patriotism. I’m glad I offered my views
about the right path for the constitution making process in Somalia for the
purpose of securing genuine national reconciliation, public support, loyalty
and common understanding about the political framework for rebuilding the
national institutions. At the end, the United Political Office for Somalia
(UNPOS) published officially the PC[1] and the guide book to the PC[2].
The wrangling over the roadmap
for establishing administrations at the city, district, regional, state and
federal levels in Lower Jubba, Middle Jubba and Gedo regions mostly still under
Al Shabab control proves my criticisms against the constitution making process.
Under clan prejudice clouds or exclusion (adversary) rule, the President and
the Prime Minister are now under relentless attack by the principal contributors
of Wardheernews Website after the president claimed legitimate leadership role
in the internal and external affairs of Somalia, including Jubbaland administration
and reiterated the charcoal ban imposed by the UN Security Council. The
president has been summarily and degradingly rebuffed by the Ras Kamboni
spokesman.
With regard to the charcoal, the
expected action of the federal government was to send a delegation to Kismaio,
take stock of the charcoal inventory, its value, the identity of the exporters and importers, the
tax surcharge, modalities of payments and money transfer and discussion with
the local population on the present and future expectations so that it can develop policy options. Armed with that information,
the federal government was supposed to engage the UN Security Council for a
satisfactory resolution of the matter within the legal framework in place.
Unfortunately, the federal government has been deprived of that opportunity after
the federal delegation has been turned back from Kismaio airport by the Kenyan
forces. The public opinion on the incident has been summarized by Amin Amir’s
cartoon (see fig 1).
The PC recognizes the eighteen (18)
regions and their districts which existed on January 1991. It directs the
federal government to make sure that the requirements of the constitutional
provisions are complied with by all before the formation of federal member
states is undertaken. Thus, establishing the administrations of the 18 regions
and their districts has priority over the discussion about FMS. Appointments of
temporary respected leaders are more favorable for giving time and space to all
interested parties for fair participation and peaceful transition to permanent
solution that guarantees peace, rule of law, democratic practice and economic
development.
The end of the transition period
and the ratification of the PC have been built on the understanding that the
majority of Somalis has embraced and internalized the deliberations of the national
reconciliation conferences and shared transitional governments during the last
12 years for better future of all Somalis. Consequently, as tribute to the end
of transition, the federal government must be able to appoint a task force
teams working in each region along side the local authorities and to assume the
control of ports and airports of all Somalia. These measures would enhance the hope for the revival
of shared national government under amended PC.
Clan institutionalized federalism
is a national failure. Many independent researchers have extensively and
conclusively illustrated the failure of the ethnic based federalism adopted by Ethiopia
in 1995. More importantly, Somalia and Ethiopia are neighbors with long term
cooperation interests but with different socio-economic, historical and
cultural backgrounds. It is a waste of time, opportunity and energy for the Somali
people to undertake such a failed experiment considering the incompatibility between
clan and citizenship perspectives and obligations enshrined in the PC. Common
identity above clan identity must be the focus of the “national government” at
all levels. Ultimately, change of the endemic opportunistic culture of the
present Somali generation for immediate personal gains is key to a brighter
future for Somalia.
Mr.
Mohamud M Uluso
mohamuduluso@gmail.com
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